HIGH STAKES IN COLOMBIA

Colombians will elect a new government in the next two months.

To some, the four years of my presidency might appear to have been a
perpetual state of crisis.

But as a I prepare our nation for that most democratic of events -- the
orderly transfer of governance -- I believe the past four years have seen
Colombia's ability to defeat terrorism and drug trafficking strengthened,
our economy stabilized and a damaged bilateral relationship with the United
States repaired.

The mandate I received from voters four years ago was to negotiate a
political settlement with Colombia's guerrillas. The FARC just did not
respond to our generosity. Hence, the initial mandate has, sadly, been
replaced with a new and different one: to bring peace and the rule of law
to Colombia by defeating the guerrillas and the narcos on the battlefield.
This is because three years of negotiations with the FARC and ELN have not
produced a political solution to the Colombia conflict.

The nature of the conflict itself has changed.

What many outside observers call a "civil war" is really an increasingly
violent competition between these illegal groups (mainly the FARC and AUC)
for control of a global illegal drug network.

Greed, in the form of who controls huge drug profits, is today their
priority, not the political grievances of their earlier guerrilla days.
Colombians are caught in the deadly cross-fire of this competition.

As the violence escalated, I repeatedly asked the FARC to define who they
are: They could either be a political insurgency group or a terrorist and
narco-trafficking organization. They could not be both. The FARC's
"political wing" could not sit at the peace table while its "terrorist
wing" waged war against Colombian society.

Today we know the FARC's answer: They are not interested in peace.

Peace would do away with their lucrative drug and kidnapping business.

The FARC broke the peace process, so I terminated talks in February.

When I took office in 1998, I pledged to Colombians to work to reduce the
supply of illegal drugs and to strengthen our democratic and economic
institutions. We developed Plan Colombia, a long-term effort to address
these challenges. We asked for and received U.S. support in the form of
military and economic assistance for this strategy. Hundreds of thousands
of Colombians are today being helped by Plan Colombia's social programs.

U.S. aid, together with $800 million in Colombian funds, is being invested
in 2001-2002 to create jobs, build infrastructure and provide government
services in remote regions of Colombia where the illegal coca trade prospers.

We also needed to confront a crippling recession inherited from the
previous administration. Looking back, we were headed toward the same
economic crisis we see today in Argentina. We avoided a similar fate by
enacting painful structural fiscal and monetary reforms, including an
IMF-backed adjustment program that has brought the government's deficit
down by 41 percent over four years.

In the wake of Sept. 11, both Colombians and Americans more clearly
understand what is at stake in helping us achieve peace and prosperity.
With billions of dollars flowing into terrorist groups from the drug trade,
Colombia has become the theater of operations in which the global campaign
against terrorism is being waged in Latin America. Like the United States
in the fight against al Qaeda, we are fighting a multinational terrorist
network.

Some months ago, IRA members were captured in Colombia after training FARC
guerrillas in urban terrorism.

Our success, or failure, has immense consequences for both the supply of
illegal drugs and for regional stability -- not half a world away in
Afghanistan but in America's backyard.

It will take time and tremendous effort, but today for the first time, the
Colombian military is capable of defeating the terrorists on the
battlefield. The United States has provided critical training and
equipment, while my government increased defense spending by 19 percent
(relative to Colombia's GDP) and improved the professionalism and
performance of our armed forces, including greater respect for human rights.

But our enemies have grown stronger, too, with billions of dollars
generated in illegal drug profits -- profits that buy arms and terrorist
training.

To shift the military advantage in our favor, the United States should
quickly permit us to use U.S.-provided drug assistance against the
terrorists who are inflicting damage and death every day in Colombia. We
also need greater real-time intelligence from the United States to help us
prevent new acts of terror.

Finally, continued U.S. support for Plan Colombia and final congressional
passage of the Andean Trade Preferences Act will strengthen Colombia's
economic security.

The trade act will have a minuscule impact in the United States but will
create tens of thousands of jobs in Colombia and across the Andean region.

The enhanced ATPA now being considered in Congress will foster new business
investment and confidence.

In recent days, we have seen the terrorists' campaign of bombings and
violence, once confined to Colombia's rural areas, come to our most
populated cities.

All Colombians are targets.

All institutions are at risk. The Colombian people are united in their
resolve to win this campaign, and we ask Americans for the support
necessary for us to defeat these perpetrators of terror.

America's foreign policy agenda is today focused on the Mideast. But across
Latin America, poverty and social turmoil are on the rise. Colombia's
struggle against terrorism and drugs and Argentina's economic crisis are
not insular issues, but major strategic ones shaping the future of the
Americas. Washington must remain engaged in the region's challenges and
opportunities, even as it leads the global campaign against terrorism.

At issue is the survival of democratic states and societies in our
hemisphere. All of the Americas have a stake in the outcome of this struggle.