FARC AND THE PARAMILITARIES TAKE OVER COLOMBIA'S DRUGS TRADE

The gradual demise of the Norte del Valle drug cartel will not stem
the flow of narcotics from Colombia, but will enable the government to
focus on the rebels and paramilitaries who are taking over the trade.
Jeremy McDermott investigates.

The last of Colombia's big drug cartels, the Norte del Valle (NDV)
group, is embroiled in a bitter internal struggle that will curtail if
not end the power of the organisation.

However, its demise is unlikely to reduce the quantity of drugs
leaving Colombia - estimated at up to 800 tonnes of cocaine and 10
tonnes of heroin every year - as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - FARC) and the
paramilitaries of the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia
(Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia - AUC), now control around 70 per
cent of the drugs leaving the country.

Their control of the drugs trade means that Colombian security forces
must now destroy the military structure of the FARC and the AUC and
take control of the 40 per cent of the country under their domination,
if they are to stop the traffic. This means that for the first time
the anti-drug policy of the USA and the counter insurgent strategy of
the Colombian government are aligned.

Cartel Wars

The Norte Del Valle was the bastard son of the Cali cartel that turned
on its parent. It was an association of drugs traffickers based in the
province of Valle Del Cauca who worked together in controlling routes,
pooling drug shipments and sharing resources. Unlike its predecessors
of Medellin and Cali, the NDV cartel did not have a sole leader,
though certain figures soon assumed more important roles within the
organisation. In May this year US authorities issued indictments
against nine NDV leaders accusing them of smuggling huge quantities of
drugs since 1990.

"We now unseal charges against nine leaders of Colombia's most
powerful cocaine-trafficking organizations, including a cartel
allegedly responsible for exporting more than 500 metric tons of
cocaine worth more than $10 billion from Colombia to the United
States," read a US State Department press release.

Three of those leaders, all with US extradition orders, are now at
war. Hundreds of people have been killed, and hundreds of properties
have been seized and dozens arrested as the security forces enjoy an
intelligence bonanza as the rival factions leak information on their
enemies.

"The world of narcotrafficking is now in crisis," Police Colonel Oscar
Naranjo told JIR. "What was once a monolithic structure known as the
Note Del Valle Cartel has now fractured into at least three great blocks."

It is not clear how the war started. Some allege that it was over
failed business deals, others claim it was due to elements in the NDV
trying to make deals with US authorities and others believing they
were going to be betrayed. Another theory is that NDV member Victor
Patino, extradited to the USA in December 2002, began to sell out his
former comrades and this led to a circle of bloodletting.

The three main protagonists in the war are Diego Leon Montoya alias
'Don Diego', Wilmer Alirio Varela alias 'Jabon', and Luis Hernando
Gomez Bustamante, alias Rasguno.

Each of the rival NDV groups has their own wings of sicarios
(assassins), traditionally used to protect shipments, intimidate and
settle scores. Now they are involved in all out war with rival sicario
wings. The 'Los Rastrojos' sicarios led by Diego Perez Henao, alias
'Diego Rastrojo', are in the service of Varela, initially contracted
from former members of the paramilitaries to guard drug labs. They
currently number over 200 and are engaged in open war with Montoya's
'Los Machos' sicarios.

FARC Takes Control

The NDV cartel as a force in the drugs trafficking world is finished.
Although the three major players in the organisation, assuming rivals
do not assassinate them, will continue to play an important role, they
have been much weakened by the seizure of assets and the killing of
key associates.

The era of the 'civilian' cartels is over, but they are quickly being
replaced by the FARC.

The growth of the FARC since the early 1980s has been paralleled by
the growth in drug crops in their areas of influence. Today the group
earns at least 60 per cent of its income from drugs trafficking, an
estimated $300m.

Initially the FARC simply charged taxes on drug cultivation and
production in their areas. This evolved into a system known as the
'gramaje' (literally tax on grammes) in which a coca farmer paid a tax
on every kilo of base, the raw material that is crystallised into
cocaine, which he produced. The buyer then paid a tax on every kilo of
base he bought.

Drugs traffickers often preferred to put their laboratories in
guerrilla areas, preferably near camps, to ensure that the security
forces were kept away. They would pay a tax on every kilo of
crystallised cocaine that left the laboratory. If airstrips in
guerrilla hands were used to fly out the drugs, the traffickers had to
pay an 'airport' tax. This system evolved during the 1980s and up
until the mid-1990s.

However, when the paramilitaries became a force to be reckoned with in
the mid-1990s, a war started for the control of drug crops and the
income derived from them. As a result the FARC moved further up the
drug chain and established a monopoly on the sale of coca base. All
coca farmers in their areas had to sell their produce to the FARC at a
fixed price. The FARC would then deal directly with the buyers,
ensuring that individuals linked to the paramilitaries were excluded.

The next logical step was to sell not the base, but the crystallised
cocaine, ensuring the maximum revenue from the raw material was
obtained. So the guerrillas established their own drug laboratories,
as witnessed by JIR for the first time in 2000.

There are now more than 60 FARC front companies spread across the
country, 40 of which are involved in drugs trafficking in one way or
another. Within the seven guerrilla 'blocs' (divisions) there are at
least two that now run drugs trafficking organisations that can be
safely qualified as cartels:

Southern Bloc - Historically it was the area dominated by the Southern
Bloc that held most of the drug crops and that was the cash cow of the
FARC. It was here that the system of gramaje was first developed and
perfected and it was here that an organisation based around the 14th
Front led by Fabian Ramirez (real name Jose Benito Cabrera) developed
into a cartel that controlled not just the growing and processing of
drug crops, but their exportation. Ramirez's right hand woman, in
charge of the daily running of the drug business and finances along
with links with foreign buyers, was Nayibe Rojas Valderramaalias alias
'Sonia', who was interviewed by JIR in 2000. She was captured in a
house near the town of Cartagena del Chaira, in the southern province
of Caqueta, in an operation led by US-trained troops in February this
year. Colombian Army intelligence believes she has been responsible
for shipping 600 tonnes of cocaine to the USA since 1994 and has been
a member of the FARC for more than 20 of her 35 years.

The DEA substantiate the Colombian allegations claiming that Sonia was
in the Marriott Hotel in Panama in early 2002 where she met with four
European drugs traffickers. Here the DEA said that Sonia stuck a deal
to supply four tonnes of cocaine to the buyers in shipments of 500kg.
US authorities later intercepted two of the shipments. The extent of
the network was uncovered with information from a laptop computer that
was allegedly in Sonia's possession at the time of her capture. So far
35 people have been arrested.

The USA presented an extradition order for Sonia in March. This has
not yet been acted on as Colombian authorities want more information
from Sonia who has so far refused to talk, denying involvement in
drugs and terrorism and only admitting to being a member of the FARC.

Eastern Bloc - The head of the Eastern Bloc, the most powerful
fighting force of the FARC, is El Mono Jojoy (real name Luis Suarez,
although listed by the USA in an extradition order as Jorge Briceno
Suarez). In the early 1990s, as part of his fight for status within
the FARC, he developed his own cartel. This is now arguably bigger
than that of the Southern Bloc and is based around the 16th Front led
by 'El Negro Acacio' (real name Tomas Medina Caracas), also the
subject of a US extradition order. El Negro Acacio runs the
procurement and drugs infrastructure of the Eastern Bloc, the revenue
from which pays for arms.

The most successful example of this was in 1999 when 10,000 AK 47s
from Jordan were parachuted into the jungle in a deal done via Peru. A
Brazilian drug lord, Luis Fernando Da Costa, paid $8m for the weapons.
In April 2001, Da Costa was arrested in the eastern province of
Vichada, next to the Colombian-Venezuelan border, during the army's
Operation 'Black Cat'. This operation dismantled a large scale FARC
drug production centre in the remote town of Barrancominas, which is
built around 15,000 hectares of coca, 40 'kitchens' (where coca base
is produced) and 12 laboratories (where the cocaine is crystallised).
From documents captured in the operation and the interrogation of Da
Costa, the security forces discovered that the FARC's 16th Front
supplied Da Costa with up to 20 tonnes of cocaine, which was paid for
in a mixture of cash ($10m per month) and arms, most of which were
brought from Paraguay.

The drugs were gathered from several different fronts of the Eastern
Bloc, among them the 1st, 7th, 10th, 30th and 44th. Another 16th Front
member, alias 'El Negro Oscar' (real name Oscar Caracas Viveros,) now
features among the DEA's most wanted.

Da Costa was deported to Brazil and is currently in prison, but a
Brazilian known by the alias 'Leo Brasileno' has taken his place in
the FARC. Intercepted guerrilla radio traffic has revealed Mono Jojoy
talking about Leo in connection with a consignment of 400kg of cocaine
to be paid for with weapons.

A further result of the Black Cat operation was the identification of
another member of the 16th Front 'Carlos Bolas' (real name Eugenio
Vargas Perdomo). He was arrested in June 2002 at Zanderij airport in
the Surinam capital Paramaribo with a false Peruvian passport. With a
US extradition order pending, Bolas was handed over to the DEA and
flown to Washington, becoming the first guerrilla to be extradited.
His arrest and subsequent interrogation revealed that the FARC had
developed an export route via Surinam.

Bolas was accused of arranging the export of 257 tonnes of cocaine via
Surinam to Mexico, Spain and Paraguay. US authorities have also traced
him to Nicaragua and Honduras where arms were traded for drugs. He
acted as an arms procurement officer for the FARC and was able to use
the drugs gathered by the 16th Front and 'El Negro Acacio', as
collateral and payment. The network was established as early as 1994
according to US sources.

The network also operated in Venezuela. This fact was exposed after
one of the FARC negotiators, alias 'The Ambassador' (real name Enrique
Rios Guzman), killed his two escorts and escaped with $5m earned from
a deal with Venezuelan drugs traffickers. The money was intended as
payment for the April 2002 delivery of 200kg of cocaine, according to
Colombian security force sources. The Ambassador has been sentenced to
death by the FARC, but appears to have escaped with the money.

Another mini-cartel within the Eastern Bloc is run by Jojoy's brother
'Grannobles' (real name German Suarez). This is based in Arauca, next
to the Venezuelan border, and stretches into the neighbouring province
of Norte de Santander.

Importance of the Safe Haven

The definitive stage in the FARC's involvement in the drugs trade came
during the failed peace talks with the administration of former
president Andres Pastrana (1999-2002). Pastrana gave the FARC a
42,000km2 demilitarised zone as a venue for the negotiations in the
southern province of Caqueta. Here the guerrilla leaders were able to
meet and plot without interruption or fear of capture. They used the
time and the zone to maximum effect.

Not only did the haven become a centre for training, recruiting and
organisation of finances, but also a drug production centre and depot,
where drug export was co-ordinated, contacts made and strategy decided.

In 1999, satellite images registered over 6,000 hectares of coca crops
in the zone. By 2002, that had increased to 16,000 hectares with 400
hectares of opium poppy. Air force intelligence also discovered
several airstrips that had been cut out of the jungle to fly out
multi-tonne shipments of cocaine.

When the peace process ended in February 2002 and the army invaded the
zone, they discovered two huge cocaine laboratories capable of
producing three tonnes of cocaine a week. Seven tonnes of drugs were
seized with an estimated value of $185m. In August 2003, the then army
chief General Carlos Alberto Ospina admitted that the FARC were still
producing drugs in the former safe haven and said that intelligence
indicated three tonnes of cocaine were being flown out of the zone
every week, bound for Venezuela and Brazil.

During the period of the safe haven the FARC also sought out
international drug connections. One example came to light in August
2000 when a Colombian doctor, Carlos Ariel Charry Gonzalez, with links
to the FARC, was arrested in Mexico with Enrique Guillermo Salazar
Ramos, a drugs trafficker connected to the powerful drug cartel of the
Arellano Felix family, based in the border city of Tijuana.

The Mexican Attorney General's office and then anti-drug tsar Mariano
Herran, has asserted there is evidence that Charry was the link
between the FARC and the Arellano Felix clan and that drugs were moved
up to Mexico and paid for with cash and weapons. Charry had bought a
plane and investigations by Colombian authorities tracked shipments
flown out of the FARC safe haven. The journey to Mexico was sometimes
by aircraft, on other occasions by boat from the Caribbean coast.

Guerrillas and Drug Crops Disperse

In the face of the Colombian government's military offensive against
the FARC, the group has broken down into units they term a 'guerrilla'
made up of 26 fighters. At the same time, drug cultivation has
dispersed as the US-sponsored aerial eradication programme, has forced
growers to cultivate fields of less than three hectares, the minimum
required to attract the attention of the spraying aircraft.

Last year the Colombian police fumigated over 130,000 hectares and
satellite images showed a decrease in drug production of 30 per cent,
prompting the USA to declare a turning point in the war on drugs in
the Andes.

"There is a race, you spray and they replant, you spray and they
replant," said David Murray, drug policy analyst at the White House
drug tzar's office. "But at some point, they fall behind. They cannot
replant as fast as we eradicate."

However, the evidence shows that production remains steady despite the
recorded drop in cultivation. This can be explained in two ways. The
first is that crops are now being sown in small fields, so small that
they do not show up on satellite imagery and are often placed among
plantain trees, making the coca bushes invisible to aerial
surveillance. JIR did a tour around the southern province of Putumayo,
hailed by the Colombian security forces as the success story of aerial
eradication. The industrial size plantations that once predominated
were gone, but travelling down the River Putumayo into the jungle JIR
found hundreds of very small fields no more than half a hectare in
area and not placed anywhere near each other. "What we have is an
enormous fragmentation," said Sandro Calvini, director of the United
Nations Drug Control Programme in Bogota. "It is obvious they are
looking for areas that are hard to detect."

Another reason for stable production is that the coca farmers are
employing more intensive farming methods using fertiliser and placing
the bushes closer together. Also the introduction of more potent
strains of the plant has meant that yields per hectare have risen
significantly.

US authorities deny this, despite the fact that the purity and price
of cocaine in the USA has remained constant. They blame this on drugs
traffickers, particularly the FARC, having a huge stockpile of drugs
that they drip feed onto the market to keep prices steady, but that
this will eventually run out.

AUC Trafficking

Although the AUC was formed in 1997 it has roots dating back almost 30
years. In 1965, then President Guillermo Leon Valencia introduced
legislation allowing for the creation of self-defence groups to fight
against insurgency. The AUC like to trace their formation to this
date. However, a more accurate date would be December 1981, when
leaflets were thrown from a helicopter over the Cali football stadium
announcing the formation of a vigilante group known as 'Death to
Kidnappers' (Muerte a Secuestradores - MAS). This group was formed by
the Medellin drug cartel in response to the kidnapping of a sister of
the Ochoa brothers, second only to Pablo Escobar in the feared drug
syndicate. The kidnappers were left-wing guerrillas.

As the drug lords of the Medellin grew in power and wealth, they began
to buy up the best land in the country and, to protect these lands and
themselves from guerrilla kidnapping and extortion, they absorbed
local self-defence groups and merged them with the military wings of
the cartel, forming the roots of the present day AUC.

Under the Castano brothers, first Fidel and then Carlos, the
paramilitaries moved primarily to an anti-subversive role, as the
brothers sought to avenge the kidnapping and then murder of their
father by the FARC. Both, however, had been intimately linked with the
Medellin drug cartel before turning on Escobar and making an alliance
with the rival Cali cartel, setting up the PEPES (People Persecuted by
Pablo Escobar). Whilst the security forces concentrated on finding and
killing Escobar, the PEPES systematically murdered the drugs lord's
support base, with family members, lawyers and known associates being
found assassinated.

After the death of Escobar in 1993 domination of the drugs trade went
to the Cali Cartel of the Rodriguez Orejuela brothers and then, after
their incarceration in 1995, to the present day Norte Del Valle Cartel.

From 1998 Colombian drugs traffickers began to buy their way into the
General Staff (Estado Mayor) of the AUC in order to secure protection
and territory in which to live, and also to take advantage of the
ideological facade that the paramilitary organisation lent them to
their activities. Now with peace talks under way with the government,
the traffickers are looking for amnesty and protection from
extradition.

One of the first to join was Don Berna (Diego Murillo). Today Berna
controls the Pacific and Calima blocs, making him the third most
powerful member of the AUC in terms of troop numbers, and has extended
his criminal empire using the military power of the AUC. He is now
believed to be one of the top drugs traffickers in the country.

Loyal to Berna is the commander of the AUC's Bloque Mineros, 'Cuco'
(real name Ramiro Vanoi Murillo), one of the negotiators in the
current paramilitary peace process and wanted for extradition to the
USA on drugs trafficking charges.

Soon after Berna joined the AUC, the Bloque Central Bolivar (BCB) was
set up. This is now the most powerful element within the AUC with up
to 6,000 members. Of its three leaders, Ernesto Baez (real name Ivan
Duque) has an outstanding US extradition warrant for drugs
trafficking, while Julian Montanez, better known in the underworld as
'Macaco' (real name Carlos Mauricio Jimenez) is under investigation by
the DEA. The head of the BCB's 'Libertadores del Sur' bloc based in
the pacific province of Narino, Pablo Sevillano (real name Guillermo
Perez) has an outstanding US extradition warrant.

The second most powerful force in the AUC now is Bloque Centauros,
allegedly bought by Miguel Arroyave for $6m when he was freed from
prison in 2001 after being charged with drugs trafficking. This is the
fastest growing organisation in the AUC and estimated to be more than
4,000 strong. Arroyave was known before his arrest in 1999 as the
'Lord of the Chemicals' as he handled the importation of precursor
chemicals needed to process cocaine.

Another of the Castano brothers, who has now moved into a senior
position within the AUC, is Vicente alias 'El Profe'. Unlike Fidel and
Carlos he has not been involved in the military side of the
paramilitary struggle and concentrated on drugs trafficking. Now he is
one of the AUC negotiators. He has long had a US extradition warrant.

Other drugs traffickers helped set up paramilitary groups, but did not
take any active role in their operations. These include: the Mejia
twins, Victor and Miguel, (who have US extradition orders outstanding)
who funded groups in the eastern province of Arauca with smuggling
routes into Venezuela; Diego Montoya of the NDV cartel (US extradition
order) who helped found Bloque Calima and now lives under the
protection of paramilitaries in the Magdalena Medio; and 'Rasguno'
(Luis Hernando Gomez Bustamante - US extradition order), of the NDV
cartel, who bought paramilitary fronts in the western part of
Antioquia where he is believed to live.

The only one of the original signatories of the foundation of the AUC
now part of the paramilitary high command is the Northern Bloc leader
Salvatore Mancuso, (US extradition order). He was the right hand man
of Castano, who brought him into the AUC. However, according to
Colombian intelligence sources, he was a drugs trafficker before he
became a paramilitary leader.

There is now an open war between different factions of the AUC over
the issues of drugs and territory. Certain senior members who spoke
out against the infiltration of the drug lords are now dead. Carlos
Castano, the AUC founder, 'disappeared' in an attack in April in the
northern province of Antioquia. He was checking his e-mail when a
rival paramilitary force overwhelmed his small bodyguard. Sources
inside the AUC said he was killed on the orders of Berna and his
brother Vicente, because he was speaking out against the drugs
traffickers and was prepared to turn them in to US authorities. The
AUC leaders made a statement saying they think he fled the country and
denied killing him.

Another senior figure alias 'Rodrigo 00', (real name Carlos Mauricio
Garcia), a former army officer and once the military commander of the
AUC, was assassinated in the Caribbean city of Santa Marta at the end
of May. His killing was most likely executed on the orders of Berna,
who declared war on Rodrigo two years ago over control of the city of
Medellin and to silence declarations he had made on the penetration of
drug lords into the AUC.

JIR spoke to Rodrigo four days before his murder, when he said: "What
we have with this current dialogue is nothing to do with the
self-defence forces. This is a group of drugs traffickers who bought
their way into the organisation and are now using the AUC to get
amnesty and impunity so they can continue in the drug business and
enjoy their fortunes."

Salvatore Mancuso boasted to the government that if it made peace with
the AUC, he would order the destruction of 50,000 hectares of drug
crops, thereby acknowledging that the paramilitaries controlled almost
half of all drug cultivation in Colombia.

The paramilitary domination of the Caribbean coast and much of the
Pacific coast means that they control 70 per cent of all drugs leaving
by sea. The 'go-fast' launches that speed across the waters of the
Caribbean, stopping to refuel off the coast of Central America or
dropping their loads in Puerto Rico, Jamaica and Haiti, all leave from
paramilitary controlled zones. The same goes for the lion's share of
the traffic in the Pacific that makes it way to Mexico and then on to
the USA.

FARC-AUC Co-Operation

As the FARC and the AUC have become more involved in the drugs trade
examples of co-operation between the once-bitter enemies have become
apparent.

The Peasant Self-Defence Forces of Casanare (Autodefensas Campesinas
de Casanare-ACC), which are not engaged in peace talks with the
government but are fighting a rival paramilitary faction, Bloque
Centauros, have made a non-aggression pact with the FARC's Eastern
bloc and agreed to move drugs through their zones of control.

Army intelligence indicates that the BCB has made agreements with the
FARC in Magdalena Medio to allow drug shipments to pass unmolested.
BCB's unit the 'Libertadores del Sur' in Narino has an agreement with
the FARC to ensure access to the Pacific coast.

Neither the FARC nor the AUC want a strong central government in their
zones of control. Both groups need the income from drugs and if the
peace talks between the government and paramilitaries break down the
AUC will find itself treated in the same way as the FARC.

Whilst the two will never ally to take on the state, they will make
agreements to allow business to continue and to minimise friction
between themselves, and Colombia will gradually become broken up into
zones controlled by different guerrilla and paramilitary groups.

Norte del Valle leaders

Diego Leon Montoya, alias 'Don Diego' - The Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI) names him on its '10 most-wanted' list and the US
government has offered a US$5m reward for information leading to his
capture. Montoya is the NDV leader with the highest profile and one
that has long had links to the paramilitaries. Sources within the
Administrative Department of Security (Departamento Administrativo de
Seguridad -DAS) said that he is believed to be hiding in the Magdalena
Medio region of Colombia under the protection of paramilitaries. It
was here that Montoya's brother and cousin, Juan Carlos Montoya
Sanchez, alias 'Charlie', and Carlos Toro Sanchez were arrested at the
end of last year. It is believed that their rivals betrayed their
location. In April 2004, authorities acting on tip-offs seized 110
properties or assets belonging to Montoya with a value estimated at
over $100m.

Wilmer Alirio Varela, alias 'Jabon' (Soap) - He initially worked for
two of the original NDV leaders, Orlando Henao Montoya and Ivan
Urdinola, both of who are now dead. With considerable ruthlessness he
efficiently moved up the ranks of the organisation and became
responsible for links with the FARC, from whom drugs would be bought
and through whose territory shipments would move. These links have
proved invaluable in the present gang war as intelligence sources
indicate that he is living under FARC protection. Varela was the
favourite to win the NDV war until March this year when his ally,
former police colonel Danilo Gonzalez, who handled contacts in the
police, was murdered in Bogota.

Luis Hernando Gomez Bustamante, alias Rasguno (Scratch) - Gomez has
always been one of the more diplomatic members of NDV and he
spearheaded attempts to find a settlement with US authorities.
Contacts with the USA began with a meeting in the Cartagena Hilton on
the Caribbean Coast in December 1999, with US attorney Teresa Van
Vliet from Florida. Also present were Drug Enforcement Administration
(DEA) agents Paul Crane and Javier Pena. Gomez said he was happy to
make a deal so long as it did not involve him having to inform on his
colleagues, but the US authorities were not interested. In 2003, he
failed to reach an agreement with the administration of Alvaro Uribe
Velez. In February 2004, more than 200 of his properties, valued at
$100m, were seized by the state.

US Stance on Extradition

"The paramilitary leaders sat at the negotiating table with the
government always were, and continue to be, narcotraffickers," said
Ambassador William Wood. "This is a cause for concern." The USA has
also made it clear that extradition orders are not negotiable and
since five of the 10 paramilitary negotiators have extradition orders
pending, that leaves little room for manoeuvre in reaching any agreement.

The current general staff of the AUC who are negotiating with the
government is made up of the following individuals:

Vicente Castano - US extradition order

Salvatore Mancuso - US extradition order

Adolfo Paz (alias Don Berna-real name Diego Murillo) - US extradition
order

Javier Montanez (alias 'Macaco', real name Carlos Mauricio Jimenez) -
under investigation by the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA)

Julian Bolivar

Jorge Cuarenta (real name Rodrigo Tovar Pupo) - under investigation by
DEA

Hernan Hernandez

Miguel Arroyave - under investigation by the DEA

Ramiro Vanoi (alias 'Cuco') - US extradition order

Ernesto Baez de la Serna (real name Ivan Roberto Duque) - US
extradition order