MARIJUANA LOBBY GROWS IN SOPHISTICATION

WASHINGTON -- Pot. Cannabis. Hemp. Weed. Grass.

The herb takes many names. But in the nation's capital, where the marijuana
lobby was once the recreational diversion of Playboy Magazine's Hugh
Hefner, pro-pot special interest groups have crystallized the divergent
issues behind the plant and gained a seemingly unified voice.

Part of the newfound credibility comes from the tack pro-marijuana groups
have taken. Medical marijuana has become a signpost for groups seeking to
decriminalize or legalize pot, and they have a growing pool of scientific
studies to back them up. Some studies show the drug is useful in easing
chronic pain and glaucoma, reducing nausea from chemotherapy treatments and
helping AIDS patients gain weight.

"It's a no-brainer. It makes no sense putting old and sick folks in jail
for an herb that makes them feel better," said Bruce Mirken, spokesman for
the Marijuana Policy Project, which was established in 1995 by Rob Kampia,
a former mainstay at the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana
Laws, the first pro-pot lobby in Washington, D.C.

The Project has received big support from billionaire Peter Lewis. With the
cashflow, the group's message has gained traction. A December 2003 Gallup
Poll showed nearly 75 percent of older Americans polled said they believed
doctors should be able to prescribe pot to patients. Eleven states have
passed medical marijuana laws since 1996, and last fall the Supreme Court
heard arguments about whether state medical marijuana laws increases
illegal use by others.

MPP isn't the only group out there pushing for reforms. The Drug Policy
Alliance -- also funded by a billionaire, liberal philanthropist George
Soros -- pursues a wider public health-based approach to drugs, including
supporting treatment over incarceration for all drug offenses.

Relations between the two groups have been tense over the years, but both
seem willing to put aside their differences, for the most part, for the
greater good.

"I think it's a healthy sign that in drug policy forum that there are
different groups coming in with different backgrounds and point of view,"
said Mirken.

Of course, the groups aren't beloved by some in Washington, who call the
efforts by these groups to pass medical marijuana laws a "Trojan horse"
designed to exploit Americans' compassion in order to pursue relaxed laws
for all drugs, not just pot.

"The fact they've been touting medical marijuana initiatives shows what a
failure they have had in the legalization movement," said Tom Riley,
spokesman for the Office of Drug Control Policy.

Riley said the pro-marijuana forces fail because Americans just don't agree
with their agenda. The failure of decriminalization referenda in Arizona,
Nevada and, most recently, Alaska, prove that most Americans don't support
relaxing the rules on pot.

"The reason why they are still in business is they have these eccentric
billionaires funding them," he said. "Or else they would dry up and float
away."

The Drug Policy Alliance counters that 46 states passed drug policy reform
legislation between 1996 and 2002. MPP adds to that the argument that 17 of
20 marijuana initiatives passed on the ballots in November, including
Montana's measure to permit patients to use, possess and grow their own
medical marijuana without fear of arrest or jail. MPP spent $2.5 million to
support the initiatives in the eight states where local and statewide votes
were held.

Long History of Pot as Pet Cause

None of the successes of these two groups would likely have occurred
without the seeds being planted by Keith Stroup, the virtual Sisyphus of
the pot world. Running NORML for the last 34 years, Stroup pushed the pot
issue up the fickle hill of political success, sometimes losing more ground
than he gained.

Stroup, who retired at the end of 2004, helped co-found NORML in 1970 with
seed money from Hefner. He said his goal was to infuse "new ideas, new
energy, new perspective" into Washington's no-budge politicians and break
down the cultural bias that prevents public sympathy from becoming public
mandate.

"The challenge we face, and I would have to say is the most frustrating
failure, is we were never able to take that public support we know we enjoy
and turn it into public policy," Stroup, 61, said, referring to the effort
to legalize pot for adult consumption.

"This issue carries with it so much baggage and it would be foolish for us
not to recognize that," he said.

Without the billionaire backing and hefty private grants, NORML survives on
a $750,000 annual budget and a staff of five. It has not been able to
bankroll or sponsor state campaigns for medical marijuana laws and
decriminalization efforts, and survives primarily on charitable donations.
To keep the dream alive, Stroup said he recognized the need for fresh blood.

"I think we need a younger person running this organization," said Stroup,
who handed the reins to Allen St. Pierre, NORML's chief policy director.
Stroup will continue to work part-time and sit on the board of directors.

Despite the grassroots approach, observers say NORML is a staple in the
orbit of drug policy reformers and not likely to go anywhere soon.
Furthermore, it's message has remained the same over the last three decades
- -- NORML wants to make pot legal and available, much the same way alcohol
is currently regulated.

Sympathizers also note that as the only consumer-based group, NORML is the
go-to organization for marijuana smokers, making it clear the issue is a
citizens' rights one.

"They continue to play an important role in this struggle. NORML remains
relevant -- and if they are able to raise additional funds they will be
even more relevant," said Ethan Nadelmann, executive director and founder
of the Drug Policy Alliance

St. Pierre said that despite its limited budget, NORML has a full plate and
plans to keep very busy. It is focused on a decriminalization movement in
Texas and fights brewing against mandatory random drug testing for middle
school students and roadside pot tests for motorists.

Admittedly, though, St. Pierre, who like Stroup describes himself as more
libertarian conservative than liberal Democrat, says the fight on the
national level will be tough. An aggressive anti-drug stance has come from
Republicans in Congress and the Bush administration, which has often
stepped in to criticize state efforts.

"The last four years have been decidedly harder than the previous four
years -- we haven't even been able to get a hearing (in Congress)," said
St. Pierre.

"This is now a civil rights movement in the United States. And the only way
we can change it is through those who are aggrieved by the law."