JAMAICA BLEEDS FOR OUR 'WAR ON DRUGS'

The Chaos In Kingston Is Symptomatic Of The Failure Of Us-led Cocaine
Prohibition. This Tragic Violence Must Force A Rethink

The tragedy unfolding in Jamaica is symptomatic of a wider crisis of
organised crime, armed violence and political corruption caused by a
failed "war on drugs". The tangled political and economic roots of the
problem run very deep.

Caribbean nations were born from the violence of chattel slavery and
rebellion, colonial domination and the struggle for liberation and
self-determination. The postcolonial flight of capital and structural
readjustment have been compounded by the end of transatlantic trade
agreements that have led to the collapse of the region's agricultural
economic base. High levels of unemployment and extreme marginality
have been the result for many communities.

By accident of geography, the Caribbean islands sit uncomfortably
between the Andean coca producers and the cocaine consumers of North
America and Europe. Although the Caribbean routes account for only a
small proportion of the cocaine traffic (estimated by the UN to be
worth as much as $125bn), the islands' physical location,
unprotectable coastlines and transport links to the metropolitan
centres of North America and Europe make them an ideal jumping-off
point for the traffickers.

The "war on drugs" was supposed to destroy coca production, stifle
trafficking and eliminate cocaine use in the US and beyond. It has
achieved none of these things. Instead, supply and demand are
resilient, and so the "harsh medicine" of drug prohibition has created
a lucrative clandestine market with entirely predictable iatrogenic
side-effects of political corruption and armed violence. The
collateral damage is all too evident across the region - most
obviously in Jamaica, but also in Trinidad, Guyana and many other
places on the Caribbean rim that have seen gunshot murders escalate to
levels equivalent to a bloody civil war.

Jamaica's problems are particularly acute. Political violence can be
traced back to the 1940s at least, and escalated at key moments
throughout the 20th century, most notably during the 1980 election
when guns were funnelled into the island from the US - allegedly by
the CIA - to arm the leaders of the "garrison communities".

In the poorest Kingston constituencies, the two main political parties
- - the Jamaica Labour party and the People's National Party - continue
to vie for power, with more than 90% of voters turning out for one or
other of the parties. Local politicians and the "dons" exert control
but also inspire loyalty among their constituents. In the past, the
dons worked as enforcers for the politicians, but they have now
accumulated an independent economic power base from drug- and
gun-running, protection rackets and corrupt government contracts.

The attempt to extradite Christopher "Dudus" Coke to the US to face
trafficking charges has turned from farce to tragedy. At first, the
government, led by JLP Prime Minister Bruce Golding, prevaricated, no
doubt mindful of Coke's connections to the party and his ability to
deliver votes, but also the power of a man whom many people think of
as a godfather who can deliver security and other goods. Bowing to
both domestic and external political pressure, the government's
attempt to execute the arrest warrant has so far left at least 44
people dead - without delivering Coke.

Sadly, loss of life at the hands of the authorities is far from rare.
Last year, the Jamaican police killed more than 250 people - deaths
denounced by human rights groups as extrajudicial executions.

In the short term, there is an obvious need for the authorities to
work to restore peace to the affected neighbourhoods. This is going to
require fortitude, but also restraint. Preservation of life and the
minimal use of force in pursuit of peace and safety should be the
guiding ethos, even while the situation remains volatile. Too many
lives have been lost already and the danger of escalation is clear and
present.

The challenge for the Jamaican people, after that, is to understand
the roots of political corruption and armed violence and seek ways to
disentangle organised crime from politics, business, the state and
civil society more generally. Removing guns and corruption from the
body politic is not going to be easy and cannot be achieved by
military firepower: war on the streets of Kingston is the problem, not
the solution. It will require a peace process akin to the Northern
Ireland experience, perhaps with truth and reconciliation, and
certainly with some means to decommission weapons and demobilise the
young men in corner crews who define themselves as "soldiers" fighting
on the front line of garrison communities.

There is a wider challenge facing the region and the international
community. The "war on drugs" has not only failed, but positively
promotes corruption and armed violence - not only in the Caribbean,
but also across Central and South America, West Africa and in the
inner cities of Europe and North America.

Could the tragic loss of life in Jamaica bring the world to its
senses? People are sick of warfare. We should instead direct resources
to building a lasting peace.