ERRATIC AFGHAN FORCES POSE CHALLENGE TO U.S. GOALS

The Afghan foot patrol descended a mountain and slipped through a
canyon. Then things went wrong. One Afghan soldier insulted another.
And there, exposed on dangerous ground, a scuffle erupted.

The soldiers turned on each other with shoves, punches and kicks. One
swung an ammunition can in a slow-motion haymaker. The patrol had
already been hapless: a display of errant marksmanship, dud ammunition
and lackluster technique.

"For months I've been telling everyone how proud I am of you," seethed
an American captain, yanking the Afghans apart. "Today you embarrassed
me."

The Obama administration has put a priority on expanding the size and
abilities of Afghanistan's security forces, first to help fight an
expanding war and eventually to allow the Pentagon to draw down its
troops. The task was inherited from the Bush administration, and the
United States has helped to field roughly 170,000 Afghan soldiers and
police officers in units created from scratch. In plans now under
review, these numbers could double.

Many Afghan units, especially in the army, have shown signs of
competence at basic missions and skills. But this joint patrol late
last year in Nuristan Province, and dozens of others from 2007 to this
spring, along with interviews with trainers and the senior officers
who supervise them, showed problems on the Afghan and American sides
alike.

American training units have been short-staffed and overstretched.
Essential equipment has at times proved to be in poor condition or
mismatched. Accountability for weapons and munitions has been broadly
criticized.

Among the Afghans, mass illiteracy, equipment loss, crime and
corruption, which is prevalent in the police, have blunted readiness.
Immaturity and ill discipline bedevil many units. Illicit drug use
persists, and some American officers worry about loyalty and
intelligence leaks.

The Americans started rebuilding Afghanistan even before a similar
effort in Iraq, where the Pentagon badly underestimated the
difficulties -- and initially overstated its success. Iraqi forces now
operate broadly in their country.

American trainers in Afghanistan attend courses taught by veterans of
the Iraq experience, and the lessons learned from Iraq are distilled
into plans for Afghanistan, the training command says.

Those plans are ambitious. In Afghanistan, the Pentagon wants to make
Afghanistan's military able to direct artillery and airstrikes, and to
develop an air corps with attack aircraft. And Western trainers are
emphasizing supervisory skills required for a professional force:
personnel and payroll management, logistics and maintenance.

Simultaneously, the Afghan government plans to require police officers
to undergo drug testing and senior police officials to disclose
personal assets. The United States is also entering Afghan soldiers
and officers into a biometrics database, to verify identities and
scrub payrolls of members who do not exist.

"We're making a lot of progress," said Maj. Gen. Richard P. Formica,
who leads the Combined Security Transition Command-Afghanistan, the
unit coordinating the training.

The United States has spent more than $15 billion fielding Afghan
forces, by the command's tally. Officers throughout the ranks say
Afghan security self-sufficiency is years off, even in the Afghan
National Army, or A.N.A.

"I think if you come back in a couple of years, you should see
advances," said Brig. Gen. Anthony R. Ierardi, the command's deputy
commander. "I wouldn't tell you that the A.N.A. is going to be ready
across the board in a couple of years. I don't think that's a true
statement."

Rebooting the Police

American officers training the Afghan forces describe two different
views. By one view, the security forces, especially the army,
represent one of the most promising institutions the Afghan government
has yet offered: a large group of men who rejected the Taliban and
staked their lives on the faith that the government would prevail.

Seasoned by fighting and shaped by Western trainers, a corps of Afghan
officers and noncommissioned officers has begun to emerge. The units
they lead have allowed the Afghan government to provide security in
Kabul and extend the government's presence to areas once beyond reach.

The forces' casualty figures point to the loyalty and resolve of many
Afghans in uniform. Nearly 1,700 police officers and 600 Afghan
soldiers were killed on duty from January 2007 through April. Western
forces suffered 586 deaths in that time.

By another view, the same forces, though most pointedly the police,
are minimally skilled, unreliable, prone to crime and little match for
an insurgency that has grown since 2006. Problems are widespread
enough that many Western soldiers openly regard the Afghan police with
suspicion.

In interviews over three years, American soldiers have complained that
police officers and supervisors sell promotions and equipment, skim
subordinates' wages, shake down villagers, take bribes or participate
in other schemes, including the opium trade.

Journalists for The New York Times have seen officers accused of
selling fuel for their American-provided trucks, and of burglarizing a
home they had been ordered to search. Officers at one southern post in
2007 were cultivating poppy plants inside their post's walls.

Maj. Vincent G. Heintz, who supervised a police mentoring team last
year, said that the district where he worked, Chahar Darreh in Kunduz
Province, cycled through several Afghan commanders during the year,
including one who was "wholly incompetent" but apparently politically
connected.

The next commander, Major Heintz said, was "a professional criminal
who brokered a detente with the local Taliban" and who showed up with
10 or 15 of his own bodyguards, fired the police and put his gang into
police uniforms. They then set up roadblocks and shook down motorists,
he said.

Afghan units have also not eradicated the presence of "chai" boys, who
often are uncompensated teenagers who live closely with commanders.
Afghans and American officers say some are apprentices, others valets,
and some suffer sexual abuse, which a few commanders regard as a
perquisite of power.

The training command said that if abuse of these teenagers was
reported, it would be acted on. "It is totally unacceptable," General
Ierardi said, but added that he had not seen reports of it from the
field.

American officers acknowledge that corruption has hampered efforts to
make a viable police force, which now has about 82,000 members. They
also say corruption should not define all the officers serving, and
that burnishing the force's skills and reputation is a focus.

Last fall, President Hamid Karzai appointed a new interior minister,
Muhammad Hanif Atmar, a former education minister. Mr. Atmar, educated
in Britain and largely viewed as uncorrupt, has pushed for changes
that could foster credibility, including requiring senior officials to
disclose private assets and testing the A.N.P, or Afghan National
Police, for drugs.

Officers testing positive can be fired, said Brig. Gen. Anne
Macdonald, who supervises police development.

The United States is also retraining uniformed police units in a
process called Focused District Development. Under this program,
police units in districts are mentored intensely through phases,
including being replaced by an interim unit for several weeks while
they undergo refresher training and have their equipment inventoried,
examined and, as necessary, replaced.

The program implicitly acknowledges problems. General Ierardi said it
was essential because it provided a chance to "refresh the screen." To
date, 65 of the country's 365 districts and 12 companies have enrolled
in the program. The Pentagon plans to expand the training.

The program has shown merits, officers said. Major Heintz, for
instance, said that in his duties under the program, following up on
the police in Chahar Darreh, he was able to get the crooked commander
relieved less than a month after he showed up. The new commander "has
done a good job with the force," he said.

Improving the Army

The situation is different in the army, for which the American effort
is trying to build momentum, General Formica said. The Afghan Army has
nearly 90,000 soldiers and is slated to grow to 134,000.

In units on the ground, some previous initiatives have shown
results.

On patrols observed by The Times this year, many Afghan soldiers wore
their equipment, remained alert, walked with weapons ready and moved
by bounds across dangerous ground. These are not difficult tasks, but
on patrols in past years Afghans often neglected them.

Sgt. Maj. Arthur L. Coleman Jr., the senior American enlisted soldier
in the training command, said improved fundamentals reflected a
significant development: the army has grown experienced sergeants, who
enhance performance.

"We're really starting to see discipline," he said. "You're starting
to see accountability." He added: "That's going to pay big dividends
down the road as we mature."

Other indicators also suggest that military discipline, while behind
Western standards, is improving. The army's percentage of soldiers
absent without leave has dropped to under 10 percent for more than a
year, the command said. Not long ago, it exceeded 15 percent.

This year, an inaugural class of 84 lieutenants graduated from the
National Military Academy of Afghanistan, a four-year school modeled
after West Point. Next year the academy is scheduled to produce about
300 more lieutenants. The Pentagon hopes to build a more able military
around these and other new officers and sergeants.

Enlisted soldiers with specialties are also appearing in the field. Of
a squad of Afghan soldiers recently assigned in the Korangal Valley,
for example, one had been trained as a trauma medic. The training
command said 3,500 such medics had completed an eight-week course.

But poor officers remain. During an insurgent mortar attack late last
year, an Afghan lieutenant did not require his soldiers to take cover
or put on their protective gear. Instead, he proposed holding a
formation in the open to ask which soldiers were collaborating with
the Taliban.

Two American Marines present directed the lieutenant to order his
soldiers to safety. Minutes later, an incoming round exploded yards
from where the soldiers were to stand.

In a recent attack on Korangal Outpost, an Afghan captain ignored his
duties. Incoming 30-millimeter rounds landed among his men. He spent
the fight in a latrine, while Marines checked for injured Afghans and
directed the return fire.

Problems Beyond the Ranks

The Pentagon's plans have been undercut at times by the American
military's own management, or by larger trends in Afghanistan's
educational and economic development.

Over the years, as American units have cycled through, they have often
been forced to repeat the work of previous units.

Several years ago, for example, the Americans distributed 8,000
donated Czech assault rifles to Afghan units. The weapons fired the
same ammunition as existing Afghan rifles, but were otherwise
incompatible. The weapons had to be recalled last year, even as the
military was trying to rush other weapons to the field.

Other equipment has disappeared in vast quantities, trainers in the
field said, including sleeping bags and warm clothing required to
operate much of the year, especially at night. The shortages were so
acute in 2007 that units in the 82nd Airborne Division canceled
overnight missions because Afghan soldiers could not
participate.

A year later, the same shortages limited the work of Afghans in
Nuristan Province.

One American officer said Afghan soldiers had been issued the gear,
often two or three times. They had either sold it or given it to their
families, he said.

This year, the American military said it issued storage containers to
the army, and cold-weather gear had been locked up. It will be
reissued in the fall, the military said.

Events on the patrol that became an intraplatoon brawl also underlined
concerns about ammunition. Much of the Afghan government's ammunition
is old surplus donated by nations trimming arsenals or sold to the
Pentagon by low-bidding contractors. For years, little was
independently tested for reliability.

In Nuristan, the captain tried firing five rounds of 40-millimeter
high-explosive ammunition at a cave. All five failed: three skipped
off the cave's face without exploding; two did not leave the barrel.
The captain, Markus Trouerbach, was disgusted. "Dud!" he said. "Nice
dud. Great."

Later, he said that of 20 rounds fired during an exercise, 9 worked.
An Afghan sergeant said he fired seven rounds at insurgents. Two did
not explode.

The training command held its own test. Of 720 40-millimeter rounds
fired, 22 did not work properly, according to two American officers;
the command said it heard no other complaints.

The failure rate, 3 percent, was much less alarming than the troops'
experiences in Nuristan. But it exceeded by many times the acceptable
failure rate of similar ammunition issued to American troops.

In interviews, three arms dealers and a manufacturer said the Pentagon
paid less for the 40-millimeter ammunition than the ammunition
typically costs to produce. They said Arcus, the Bulgarian firm
manufacturer, provided substandard ammunition. (The vendors asked not
to be identified out of fear of being blocked by the Pentagon from
future bids.)

Arcus said the rounds had been made to exacting standards and passed
company tests. Neither the Pentagon nor Arcus would discuss the
ammunition deal in detail, including how the prices were arrived at,
saying the information was proprietary.