News (Media Awareness Project) - US CA: Mean Or Sober? |
Title: | US CA: Mean Or Sober? |
Published On: | 2008-10-30 |
Source: | Sacramento News & Review (CA) |
Fetched On: | 2008-11-02 13:29:48 |
MEAN OR SOBER?
Proposition 5 opponents say we can't afford to rehabilitate
non-violent drug offenders. Supporters say we can't afford not to.
Next to Proposition 8, the politically and emotionally charged
gay-marriage initiative, Proposition 5 seems peripheral, an
afterthought. However, in terms of financial impact and public safety,
the initiative may be the sleeper of the season.
Prop. 5, the Nonviolent Offender Rehabilitation Act, would
significantly increase state funding to substance-abuse programs for
nonviolent drug offenders. Depending upon which side you ask, that
could either save the state billions in the long term, or throw
billions down the drain and endanger public safety.
By 2010, the measure would allocate at least $460 million annually to
treatment programs for those who commit nonviolent, drug-related
crimes. This builds on the $120 million-later reduced to $108
million-allocated for the same purpose by Prop. 36, passed by
California voters in 2000.
Prop. 5 would make many changes to the current criminal-justice and
drug-rehabilitation system, including implementing a three-track
system that would place offenders in a category of treatment and
supervision relative to the severity of their criminal history. It
would also provide money for a juvenile drug-treatment program.
The list of opponents reveals some surprising partners-consider Martin
Sheen, Dolores Huerta and the California District Attorneys
Association-who argue that Prop. 5 would decrease parole terms and
lessen the severity of punishment, resulting in higher crime rates and
more widespread drug use. Under Prop. 5, offenders would be diverted
from jail into treatment until they fail their fifth stint in rehab.
"In order for folks to succeed in treatment and be motivated to
succeed, there has to be appropriate consequences and motivation
which, when necessary, translates into jail for not complying with the
rules of the program and not abstaining," said Sacramento County
District Attorney Jan Scully.
Like many of its opponents, Scully also sees Prop. 5 as a strain on an
already stressed state budget with little chance for subsequent
modification, requiring a four-fifths vote of the state
Legislature.
"It is very risky, and that is because the financial implications are
completely unknown," said Kevin Spillane, a "No on 5" campaign spokesman.
The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office projects that operating
costs could exceed $1 billion annually, but in the long term, it could
also save $1 billion annually by diverting offenders away from
California's notoriously overcrowded prisons into treatment. In other
words, the program could eventually pay for itself.
Supporters of Prop. 5 include the California Nurses Association and
billionaire George Soros, who tout the success of Prop. 36 as evidence
the state will save money by rehabilitating offenders and transforming
them into productive, taxpaying members of society instead of locking
them up in prison at a high cost to taxpayers.
"Prop. 5 will save voters money," said Dr. Jonathan Porteus, director
of clinical services at The Effort, which administers mental-health
and social services to the community and treats many Prop. 36 clients.
"By investing in treatment, we will bring down the cost of corrections
and the long-term costs to society incurred when we don't treat
people, when we just warehouse them or don't address the things that
underlie their addiction."
According to Porteus, the number of clients who successfully complete
Prop. 36 treatment programs is about 35 percent.
"If you want 100 percent success, I'm sorry, I don't have a
proposition that will give you that," he said. "But if you want
something that is quite effective compared to most change processes
that people deal with, Prop. 36 has been effective."
However, opponents claim that Prop. 36, which would be greatly
expanded under Prop. 5, has been disastrous and is a threat to public
safety.
"[Offenders] can continue to use drugs or possess drugs, yet they
can't be put in jail for being under the influence of drugs," Scully
said. "This poses a serious threat to our community, because people
who should be going to jail will not be going to jail."
Lou Martinez knows firsthand how effective Prop. 36 has been and fully
supports Prop. 5. Martinez is a Prop. 36 treatment graduate who is now
a substance-abuse counselor at The Effort. He graduates from
Sacramento State next spring.
"Now that I'm clean, I am graduating from college, I pay taxes and I
vote," Martinez said.
After 10 years battling his addiction and bouncing in and out of jail,
Martinez claims that it was only through the treatment he was offered
under Prop. 36 that he was able to get and stay clean.
"If fear of locking someone up and punishing them was enough to make
somebody quit, then they wouldn't be sitting at my desk," he said.
"Nobody wants to be a drug addict."
Proposition 5 opponents say we can't afford to rehabilitate
non-violent drug offenders. Supporters say we can't afford not to.
Next to Proposition 8, the politically and emotionally charged
gay-marriage initiative, Proposition 5 seems peripheral, an
afterthought. However, in terms of financial impact and public safety,
the initiative may be the sleeper of the season.
Prop. 5, the Nonviolent Offender Rehabilitation Act, would
significantly increase state funding to substance-abuse programs for
nonviolent drug offenders. Depending upon which side you ask, that
could either save the state billions in the long term, or throw
billions down the drain and endanger public safety.
By 2010, the measure would allocate at least $460 million annually to
treatment programs for those who commit nonviolent, drug-related
crimes. This builds on the $120 million-later reduced to $108
million-allocated for the same purpose by Prop. 36, passed by
California voters in 2000.
Prop. 5 would make many changes to the current criminal-justice and
drug-rehabilitation system, including implementing a three-track
system that would place offenders in a category of treatment and
supervision relative to the severity of their criminal history. It
would also provide money for a juvenile drug-treatment program.
The list of opponents reveals some surprising partners-consider Martin
Sheen, Dolores Huerta and the California District Attorneys
Association-who argue that Prop. 5 would decrease parole terms and
lessen the severity of punishment, resulting in higher crime rates and
more widespread drug use. Under Prop. 5, offenders would be diverted
from jail into treatment until they fail their fifth stint in rehab.
"In order for folks to succeed in treatment and be motivated to
succeed, there has to be appropriate consequences and motivation
which, when necessary, translates into jail for not complying with the
rules of the program and not abstaining," said Sacramento County
District Attorney Jan Scully.
Like many of its opponents, Scully also sees Prop. 5 as a strain on an
already stressed state budget with little chance for subsequent
modification, requiring a four-fifths vote of the state
Legislature.
"It is very risky, and that is because the financial implications are
completely unknown," said Kevin Spillane, a "No on 5" campaign spokesman.
The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office projects that operating
costs could exceed $1 billion annually, but in the long term, it could
also save $1 billion annually by diverting offenders away from
California's notoriously overcrowded prisons into treatment. In other
words, the program could eventually pay for itself.
Supporters of Prop. 5 include the California Nurses Association and
billionaire George Soros, who tout the success of Prop. 36 as evidence
the state will save money by rehabilitating offenders and transforming
them into productive, taxpaying members of society instead of locking
them up in prison at a high cost to taxpayers.
"Prop. 5 will save voters money," said Dr. Jonathan Porteus, director
of clinical services at The Effort, which administers mental-health
and social services to the community and treats many Prop. 36 clients.
"By investing in treatment, we will bring down the cost of corrections
and the long-term costs to society incurred when we don't treat
people, when we just warehouse them or don't address the things that
underlie their addiction."
According to Porteus, the number of clients who successfully complete
Prop. 36 treatment programs is about 35 percent.
"If you want 100 percent success, I'm sorry, I don't have a
proposition that will give you that," he said. "But if you want
something that is quite effective compared to most change processes
that people deal with, Prop. 36 has been effective."
However, opponents claim that Prop. 36, which would be greatly
expanded under Prop. 5, has been disastrous and is a threat to public
safety.
"[Offenders] can continue to use drugs or possess drugs, yet they
can't be put in jail for being under the influence of drugs," Scully
said. "This poses a serious threat to our community, because people
who should be going to jail will not be going to jail."
Lou Martinez knows firsthand how effective Prop. 36 has been and fully
supports Prop. 5. Martinez is a Prop. 36 treatment graduate who is now
a substance-abuse counselor at The Effort. He graduates from
Sacramento State next spring.
"Now that I'm clean, I am graduating from college, I pay taxes and I
vote," Martinez said.
After 10 years battling his addiction and bouncing in and out of jail,
Martinez claims that it was only through the treatment he was offered
under Prop. 36 that he was able to get and stay clean.
"If fear of locking someone up and punishing them was enough to make
somebody quit, then they wouldn't be sitting at my desk," he said.
"Nobody wants to be a drug addict."
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