Holger Jensen is international editor of the Denver Rocky Mountain News.

MUTUAL DISTRUST MARS U.S.-MEXICAN BATTLE AGAINST DRUGS

It's certification time again, an annual rite in which our finger-pointing
bruises the feelings of Latin American allies.

With that in mind, President Clinton's 23-hour visit to Mexico, was as much
designed to impress Congress as it was to soothe Mexican President Ernesto
Zedillo.

By March 1 of every year, the president must certify to Congress whether
nations that produce narcotics or serve as conduits for their entry into
the United States are ``fully cooperating'' in the drug war. If not, they
are subject to automatic trade and economic sanctions.

The White House can waive sanctions ``in the national interest,'' but
decertification itself is deemed an insult by Latin American governments
which contend they should not be blamed for the cravings of American
addicts - i.e. the drug problem is one of demand, not of supply.

Although more than 30 countries are subject to certification, its focus is
always on Mexico because of our long common border. U.S. officials estimate
that two-thirds of Colombian cocaine reaching American streets passes
through Mexico. It is also a major producer of marijuana, opium and
amphetamines.

However, Mexico is also the second largest market for U.S. goods after
Canada. Hence, it has always been certified as a trustworthy ally in the
drug war - even in 1997 when Mexico's top drug-fighting general, Jesus
Gutierrez Rebollo, was found to be on the payroll of a cocaine cartel.

This year is no different. Zedillo has made all the right noises and
Clinton will attest that Mexico is being cooperative. But hostile
Republicans in Congress want to see results - and the results are not good.

Secret White House papers leaked to the Washington Post recently indicate
that Mexico not only failed to reduce drug trafficking and corruption in
1998 but actually did worse than the previous year.

Seizures of cocaine, marijuana and heroin fell significantly. Drug arrests
declined, as did the number of poppy fields destroyed and clandestine drug
laboratories dismantled. Confiscations of drug-carrying cars, trucks and
boats were down. And cooperation suffered when undercover U.S. agents
busted a ring that laundered drug money through Mexico's major banks.

Operation Casablanca annoyed Mexican authorities, who said they wanted to
extradite the U.S. agents who operated in Mexico without their knowledge.
The incident also revealed the distrust U.S. agents have for Mexico and
their reluctance to share intelligence with corrupt Mexican cops.

On the plus side, Mexico has arrested several drug ``kingpins,'' has sent
Mexican prisoners to testify in U.S. drug trials and is making what the
State Department calls a ``credible effort'' to end government corruption.
It has, for example, investigated politically powerful people such as Raul
Salinas, brother-in-law of a former president.

But a White House memo published by the Post acknowledges that even
lawmakers who support certification ``need more and better evidence of
cooperative efforts. By this, they mean evidence of outcomes, not good
faith promises.''

Rep. John Mica, R-Fla., chairman of the House subcommittee on criminal
justice, drug policy and human resources, promises a heated battle to
decertify Mexico.

If Mexico deserves to be decertified, so does Colombia, the source of 80
percent of the world's cocaine and a major heroin producer.

Last year a Colombian C-130 transport plane was caught bringing nearly a
ton of cocaine to Florida. Defense Minister Rodrigo Lloreda had to admit
his air force was ``seriously infiltrated'' by drug traffickers. Colombia's
coca production also increased 28 percent in 1998, despite strong
U.S.-backed eradication efforts, offsetting a significant drop in Peru and
Bolivia.

But Colombia has been at war for 35 years against leftist guerrillas who
protect drug traffickers. Colombia's government can hardly be blamed for
cocaine produced in rebel-held areas, which encompass roughly half the
country.

And if Colombia cannot be blamed for producing more cocaine, Mexico cannot
be blamed for transshipping it.

Both countries receive massive amounts of U.S. military aid including
planes, helicopters, electronic monitoring equipment and U.S. advisers to
train anti-drug units. Their failures are our failures.

And we are still the biggest market for their drugs.