D.C. WARMS TO HOUSE CHAIRMAN

Istook Steers Budget Less To The Right Than Some Leaders Feared

Rep. Ernest J. Istook Jr.'s pocket-size copy of the U.S. Constitution is
rarely out of his reach, with the paragraph detailing the federal
government's supreme control over the District of Columbia highlighted in
fluorescent yellow.

"The Congress shall have the power to . . . exercise exclusive legislation
in all cases whatsoever over such District," said Istook, quoting his
favorite line while sitting in his Capitol Hill office last week.

It may seem like an ominous refrain, given Istook's assignment as chairman
of the House Appropriations panel that holds the District's purse strings.
But as he wraps up his first budget cycle in the high-profile post, the
deeply religious, anti-gay Republican from Oklahoma has proved, even to his
critics, to be surprisingly flexible.

Mayor Anthony A. Williams (D) and D.C. Council Chairman Linda W. Cropp (D)
each recall hours of telephone consultations with Istook, during which he
worked to ensure that the bill he was moving through Congress did not offend
them--at least when it came to city finances. In the end, Istook's committee
left the District's $4.7 billion budget essentially untouched--except for
$95 million added to selected city programs.

Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-D.C.) and Virginia Rep. James P. Moran Jr.,
the ranking Democrat on the House D.C. panel, had similar encounters. The
most poignant one came in the final minutes before the full House vote on
Thursday, when Istook offered to push for a softening of a GOP-backed
provision in the D.C. budget bill that would ban city spending on the
District's voting-rights lawsuit.

"Here is an example of a right-wing ideologue maturing to the point where he
should rightfully be considered a serious legislator," Moran said,
begrudgingly offering praise.

Istook, 49, never withdrew his support for GOP-backed riders attached to the
budget that were aimed at prohibiting the city from legalizing marijuana for
medical purposes, spending city funds on abortions or providing clean
needles to drug addicts, among other restrictions. But he prevented
additional riders from being attached, allowing only items approved by the
House last year to reach the floor.

"I felt we needed to focus on the things where we were together," Istook said.

City leaders were skeptical when Istook became chairman of the D.C.
Appropriations subcommittee in January. He replaced another social
conservative, Rep. Charles H. Taylor (R-N.C.), who did little to disguise
his disdain for the District. Taylor once suggested, for example, that
investing in new D.C. computers was like "throwing money down a rat hole."

Taylor and his predecessor, Rep. James T. Walsh (R-N.Y.), both routinely
called for drastic cuts in D.C. budgets and often backed contentious
proposals that would have forced fundamental changes in city policies, such
as an eventually defeated plan to use government money to send students to
private schools.

The conventional wisdom among city officials was that Istook would be even
more heavy-handed. This was an Oklahoman who, when running for Congress in
1992, suggested that convicted felons be tattooed to ensure that they could
not buy guns. Upon arrival in Washington in 1993, he led the fight to bar
the city from extending health benefits to domestic partners, calling the
program "the equivalent of gay marriage." That same year, he vowed not to
hire homosexuals, noting that "I don't think that someone who is an open,
practicing homosexual would be comfortable with the political agenda in my
office."

Istook's reputation as a "right-wing warrior," as he was dubbed, only
broadened as the years passed. A 1995 proposal by Istook would have allowed
states to prohibit funding for abortions for poor women who were victims of
rape or incest. In 1997, he led the GOP bid to require teenage girls to get
parental consent before receiving contraception. And last year, he led an
unsuccessful drive to permit school prayer and religious displays in federal
buildings.

"The kinds of wedge issues which have stalled or killed D.C. appropriations
bills in the past are those issues he is most likely to be the sponsor of,"
Moran predicted after Istook became chairman. Added Williams: "There was a
concern among all of us."

But from the start, Istook surprised the skeptics, inviting Norton and
Williams to meet with him, the House speaker and other House leaders. He
vowed "to do a lot of listening and a lot of homework."

The former radio news reporter and father of five--who saves money and time
by sleeping on the leather couch in his Capitol Hill office, rather than
renting an apartment--took a crash course in city affairs. He toured
schools, public housing complexes and the much-maligned Department of
Consumer and Regulatory Affairs. He went on patrol with police.

Istook developed a particular interest in the D.C. agency that supervises
the city's 30,000 people on parole or probation or awaiting trail. Only
about 4 percent of the parolees are subject to drug testing, though an
estimated 3,000 are addicts. To feed their habits, city officials told
Istook, these drug-addicted convicts commit tens of thousands of crimes each
year. Istook visited the Court Services and Offender Supervision Agency's
drug-testing lab, talking strategies with the staff.

"He seemed to be persuaded by what we think is a major problem: the lack of
adequate funding for drug testing and treatment," said Court Services
trustee John A. Carver III.

When it came time for the House Appropriations subcommittee to mark up the
District budget last month, Istook proposed adding $25 million to the Court
Services budget for random drug testing, expanded drug treatment and 125 new
court officers and other staff to crack down on misconduct.

"This will be the largest program of its kind of any city in the United
States," he said on the House floor.

Several of the other provisions Istook's committee added to the budget bill
reflect talks he and other House members had with D.C. officials, such as an
extra $20 million to trim the city work force by allowing Williams to offer
severance packages to 1,000 employees, $8.5 million to accelerate the
movement of 3,200 D.C. foster-care children into adoptive homes and $5
million to help clean the Anacostia River.

Istook hinted in late June that he might add language to the budget bill to
require the District to enact its five-year, $300 million package of tax
cuts even if the economy faltered. But Williams and other city officials
convinced him that the required spending cuts might be too severe. So
instead, Istook included language in the budget bill that allows revisions
in the tax plan without congressional approval.

"He really gave us the opportunity to put our numbers on the table, make our
points," D.C. Chief Financial Officer Valerie Holt said. "And the results
are positive."

The District-Congress detente extends beyond Istook and his committee. After
two years of budget surpluses, the city continues to recover from its
near-collapse of the mid-1990s. Williams's effort to remake D.C. government
also has won kudos on Capitol Hill. Istook said that's why he was willing to
give city officials a bit more deference than the Constitution requires.

"I know they are making a concerted effort to clear up a backlog of
inherited problems," Istook said. "I try to be as respectful as can be of
their priorities."

Williams has praised Istook, saying that "he is taking his oversight role
seriously, and I think he is managing it very effectively and responsibly."
But like others, Williams expressed frustration that Istook and other
Republicans maintained riders banning city spending on abortions or needle
exchange, the latter of which is aimed at preventing the spread of the HIV
infection that causes AIDS.

The House on Thursday also added--and Istook backed--an amendment to
prohibit the city from legalizing marijuana, even if voters approved a 1998
initiative calling for its legalization to treat certain medical conditions.
(Congress last year blocked the city from tabulating the results of that
vote.) But even when it came to the riders, Istook showed a willingness to
compromise.

After several Democrats--and some Republicans--condemned a measure that
would keep the city from spending local money on a lawsuit seeking to
establish voting rights in Congress for the District, Istook suddenly
modified his stand. He announced on the floor last Thursday that in a
House-Senate conference committee this week, he will try to amend the
provision so that the city can pay lawyers working the case in the next year.

The D.C. budget eventually passed the House on a 333 to 92 vote, compared
with several recent years when margins were at times only a few votes.

The relationship between Istook and city officials has become so cozy that
several are involved in an event that would have been inconceivable a year
ago: a fund-raiser for the chairman of the Republican-led House
Appropriations panel on the District.

Council member David Catania (R-At Large), who is openly gay, and council
member Carol Schwartz (R-At Large), an ally of the gay community, are the
honorary co-chairmen of the event Thursday at a downtown restaurant.
Democrats Williams and Cropp are listed on the invitation as "special
guests." Some city officials, while appreciative of Istook's restraint this
year, say the lovefest may have gone too far.

"Let's not forget the totality of [Istook's] points of view, which include
homophobic and antiabortion stands," said council member Jim Graham (D-Ward
1), who also is openly gay. "This is a very conservative Republican who has
an agenda that, generally speaking, is out of step with the prevailing views
of this city. I don't want that to be lost."