News (Media Awareness Project) - US: OPED: Colombia's Struggles, and How We Can Help |
Title: | US: OPED: Colombia's Struggles, and How We Can Help |
Published On: | 1999-08-10 |
Source: | New York Times (NY) |
Fetched On: | 2008-09-06 00:08:25 |
COLOMBIA'S STRUGGLES, AND HOW WE CAN HELP
The death of five American and two Colombian soldiers in a plane crash
during a counternarcotics mission in Colombia last month put the spotlight
on our stake in South America's most troubled country.
Colombian drug traffickers produce more than 80 percent of the world's
cocaine and a rising proportion of the heroin that reaches our shores. Two
guerrilla organizations -- the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia,
known as FARC, and National Liberation Army, or E.L.N. -- are at war with
the Government and control a significant amount of territory.
The guerrillas are opposed by right-wing paramilitary groups that, like the
guerrillas, regularly abuse human rights. Both the guerrillas and the
paramilitaries use the drug trade to finance their operations. Efforts by
Colombia's President, Andrés Pastrana, to negotiate peace have stalled.
Crime is rampant. And the nation's economy, long a regional star, is in the
midst of its worst recession since the 1930's.
Colombia's problems extend beyond its borders and have implications for
regional security and stability. To turn the tide, President Pastrana must
wage a comprehensive effort. And he needs -- and deserves -- international
support that focuses on more than drug interdiction and eradication.
As President Pastrana understands, the goals of peace, law, prosperity and
respect for human rights are not separate from one another, but rather
reinforcing of each other. Progress toward one will make the others easier
to achieve.
There are, for example, many dimensions to the pursuit of peace. After 38
years of struggle, it should be clear that a decisive military outcome is
unlikely. President Pastrana was right to initiate talks; the question is
whether he can muster a combination of pressure and incentives that will
cause the guerrillas to respond.
The peace efforts must be guided by Colombians themselves. President
Pastrana has taken courageous risks in this quest, and it is up to him to
decide what carrots and sticks are needed. But the United States and other
friends of Colombia must be ready to help. President Clinton has already
pledged our support in a letter to President Pastrana on July 20.
Efforts to stop the drug trade are linked to the quest for peace because of
rebel and paramilitary involvement in drug trafficking. And, as we have
seen in Bolivia and Peru, success in battling drugs requires a medley of
strategies, including eradication, interdiction, crop substitution,
economic development and criminal justice reform.
Here, too, the Colombian Government must take the lead, but others must do
their share. The United States has been a strong supporter of Colombia's
anti-narcotics effort, which is appropriate because our demand for drugs is
a major cause of the problem.
The Colombian National Police are spraying and seizing impressive amounts
of cocaine and heroin. But coca production is soaring, drug organizations
are well armed and financed, and Colombia's judicial system is plagued by
corruption, inadequate resources and a backlog of 3.5 million cases.
Success will not come quickly, but progress is possible if the Government
has international support.
The protection of human rights is similarly intertwined with the other
goals. Most victims of Colombia's conflict have been civilians. In its most
recent offensive, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
indiscriminately attacked villagers and deployed child soldiers as young as
9.
The guerrilla group still refuses to account for three American
missionaries kidnapped from Panama in 1993, and in March its forces
murdered three Americans who were working with local indigenous groups. In
addition, paramilitary groups have recently stepped up attacks on human
rights workers and political activists.
In the past, the Colombian military has squandered support by failing to
prevent human rights abuses, by both its own forces and paramilitary
groups. The United States has strict procedures in place in Colombia, as
elsewhere, to verify that individuals and units receiving American
assistance and training have not been involved in human rights abuses, and
that those responsible for past abuses are brought to justice.
Under President Pastrana, the military has dramatically improved its
record, but we continue to press for further progress, especially to insure
that any remaining ties between military commanders and paramilitaries are
broken.
Colombia's economic problems are linked to low commodity prices and high
deficits, but they are also the result of crime and conflict. Conversely,
economic development and the creation of legitimate jobs are the best ways
to keep citizens from flouting the law and supporting radical movements.
So any nation interested in helping Colombia fight drugs or achieve peace
will have an interest in helping it recover economically. The United States
has been working with the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and
other partners to insure that needed assistance is available.
Today, Under Secretary of State Thomas Pickering will be in Bogotá to meet
with President Pastrana and convey United States support for Colombia's
efforts to move forward on all of these fronts. He will go to Caracas,
Venezuela, as well, as part of our effort to secure strong regional backing
for policies to achieve peace, establish law and build prosperity.
Colombia's people are engaged in a vital test of democracy, a test they
must pass for themselves. But they should know that we understand the many
dimensions and long-term nature of the problems they face, and that we will
do all we can to help them.
The death of five American and two Colombian soldiers in a plane crash
during a counternarcotics mission in Colombia last month put the spotlight
on our stake in South America's most troubled country.
Colombian drug traffickers produce more than 80 percent of the world's
cocaine and a rising proportion of the heroin that reaches our shores. Two
guerrilla organizations -- the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia,
known as FARC, and National Liberation Army, or E.L.N. -- are at war with
the Government and control a significant amount of territory.
The guerrillas are opposed by right-wing paramilitary groups that, like the
guerrillas, regularly abuse human rights. Both the guerrillas and the
paramilitaries use the drug trade to finance their operations. Efforts by
Colombia's President, Andrés Pastrana, to negotiate peace have stalled.
Crime is rampant. And the nation's economy, long a regional star, is in the
midst of its worst recession since the 1930's.
Colombia's problems extend beyond its borders and have implications for
regional security and stability. To turn the tide, President Pastrana must
wage a comprehensive effort. And he needs -- and deserves -- international
support that focuses on more than drug interdiction and eradication.
As President Pastrana understands, the goals of peace, law, prosperity and
respect for human rights are not separate from one another, but rather
reinforcing of each other. Progress toward one will make the others easier
to achieve.
There are, for example, many dimensions to the pursuit of peace. After 38
years of struggle, it should be clear that a decisive military outcome is
unlikely. President Pastrana was right to initiate talks; the question is
whether he can muster a combination of pressure and incentives that will
cause the guerrillas to respond.
The peace efforts must be guided by Colombians themselves. President
Pastrana has taken courageous risks in this quest, and it is up to him to
decide what carrots and sticks are needed. But the United States and other
friends of Colombia must be ready to help. President Clinton has already
pledged our support in a letter to President Pastrana on July 20.
Efforts to stop the drug trade are linked to the quest for peace because of
rebel and paramilitary involvement in drug trafficking. And, as we have
seen in Bolivia and Peru, success in battling drugs requires a medley of
strategies, including eradication, interdiction, crop substitution,
economic development and criminal justice reform.
Here, too, the Colombian Government must take the lead, but others must do
their share. The United States has been a strong supporter of Colombia's
anti-narcotics effort, which is appropriate because our demand for drugs is
a major cause of the problem.
The Colombian National Police are spraying and seizing impressive amounts
of cocaine and heroin. But coca production is soaring, drug organizations
are well armed and financed, and Colombia's judicial system is plagued by
corruption, inadequate resources and a backlog of 3.5 million cases.
Success will not come quickly, but progress is possible if the Government
has international support.
The protection of human rights is similarly intertwined with the other
goals. Most victims of Colombia's conflict have been civilians. In its most
recent offensive, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
indiscriminately attacked villagers and deployed child soldiers as young as
9.
The guerrilla group still refuses to account for three American
missionaries kidnapped from Panama in 1993, and in March its forces
murdered three Americans who were working with local indigenous groups. In
addition, paramilitary groups have recently stepped up attacks on human
rights workers and political activists.
In the past, the Colombian military has squandered support by failing to
prevent human rights abuses, by both its own forces and paramilitary
groups. The United States has strict procedures in place in Colombia, as
elsewhere, to verify that individuals and units receiving American
assistance and training have not been involved in human rights abuses, and
that those responsible for past abuses are brought to justice.
Under President Pastrana, the military has dramatically improved its
record, but we continue to press for further progress, especially to insure
that any remaining ties between military commanders and paramilitaries are
broken.
Colombia's economic problems are linked to low commodity prices and high
deficits, but they are also the result of crime and conflict. Conversely,
economic development and the creation of legitimate jobs are the best ways
to keep citizens from flouting the law and supporting radical movements.
So any nation interested in helping Colombia fight drugs or achieve peace
will have an interest in helping it recover economically. The United States
has been working with the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and
other partners to insure that needed assistance is available.
Today, Under Secretary of State Thomas Pickering will be in Bogotá to meet
with President Pastrana and convey United States support for Colombia's
efforts to move forward on all of these fronts. He will go to Caracas,
Venezuela, as well, as part of our effort to secure strong regional backing
for policies to achieve peace, establish law and build prosperity.
Colombia's people are engaged in a vital test of democracy, a test they
must pass for themselves. But they should know that we understand the many
dimensions and long-term nature of the problems they face, and that we will
do all we can to help them.
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