News (Media Awareness Project) - Ireland: Rough Justice On Dublin's Streets |
Title: | Ireland: Rough Justice On Dublin's Streets |
Published On: | 1999-09-06 |
Source: | Sunday Independent (Ireland) |
Fetched On: | 2008-09-05 21:07:44 |
ROUGH JUSTICE ON DUBLIN'S STREETS
Northern-Style Thug Law Is On The Increase
AS the IRA enforces its campaign of murders, beatings, intimidation and
exile in Northern Ireland, there is growing disquiet in Dublin that within
a stone's throw of O'Connell Street civil law has broken down and
quasi-terrorists are enforcing their own brand of thug law.
When it happens in Northern Ireland, as witnessed last week by the exile of
five men from Dungannon for anti-social behaviour, it makes world
headlines. It becomes an issue for the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern and the
Northern Secretary Mo Mowlan. It almost brings the "peace process" to
breaking point.
But in some estates in Dublin's most deprived areas many of the same brutal
tactics are employed and the situation has been met with silence. But now
some local representatives believe they must speak out.
"There is an armed unit in Tallaght that visits people and forces them out,
but most people won't talk about it, for fear they'll get their heads blown
off," says Labour councillor Eamonn Walsh.
Other councillors admit that there are huge problems with lawlessness in
many council estates and people welcome assistance from any quarter when
they are under siege from drugs and crime. "People are concerned when the
normal forces of law and order don't seem to be protecting them
effectively," says Labour TD Joe Costelloe. "In the circumstances, they'll
tolerate strong action against drug pushers once it's accurately targeted."
An internal garda memo gives an idea of what is going on: "The groups work
to a careful agenda; promoting and enhancing their image within
communities. These groups are totally controlled by Sinn Fein." In a
democratic society where police and politics are intended to be separate
entities, garda analysis of Sinn Fein's operational policies makes sinister
reading.
Kneecappings, punishment beatings, enforced exile to Britain in the absence
of public apologies from drug dealers all of these actions have been
carried out by individuals who garda believe to be politically aligned to
Sinn Fein.
West Dublin politicians were so concerned about Sinn Fein's "successes" in
dealing with anti-social behaviour in the run-up to the local elections
that they voiced their concerns to garda.
Both garda and political sources also point out that some anti-drugs
activists are alleged to have involvement in very serious crimes, from the
murder of addict Josie Dwyer in 1996, to 10 recorded gunshot "warning"
attacks in Dublin since 1997.
The fact that the garda assessment states that the anti-drugs groups are
"totally controlled by Sinn Fein" should be a cause for considerable
concern amongst Sinn Fein strategists, and indeed it has not gone
un-noticed by observers that the activities of anti-drugs groups subsided
somewhat after the local elections.
But still, public representatives in various parts of the city believe that
armed units are operating in their areas. Groups of men, sometimes wearing
balaclavas, have been seen moving through estates, either on foot or in
vans, and targetting alleged drug dealers and troublemakers. Baseball bats
have sometimes been used in the brutal beatings that follow.
Ordinary people, who first joined a community anti-drugs movement several
years ago, now find themselves under the control of a political movement.
They are forced to contribute money towards the group's costs and forced to
take part in marches and other public demonstrations. Vulnerable members of
the community, such as single mothers and elderly people, cannot refuse to
give financial or other support. They are told they must attend meetings or
other public demonstrations organised by the group or else the group cannot
guarantee their continued safety.
Shots have been fired at homes and premises, bullets put through
letterboxes and people ordered to leave communities or suffer the
consequences. Suspected dealers or petty criminals have been asked to
attend private committee mettings or public meetings "to come before the
people, answer to them and let them judge you".
On at least one occasion, one such young man was dragged into a van outside
the venue. He was viciously beaten and then sent into the meeting. To loud
cheers from the crowd, he apologised and then promised to give up drugs.
The policing is driven by anti-drugs groups, which operate in almost every
troubled council housing estate in Dublin. They are very well organised,
vocal and active within communities. There are regular fundraising efforts
and marches on homes of suspected drug dealers. They also campaigned for
the Sinn Fein candidates in the recent local elections.
Other politicians from mainstream parties say Sinn FE9in did what no other
party had managed before mobilised votes in disadvantaged communities. They
did this through the anti-drugs movement. By the mid-1990s, Dublin city
suddenly had a series of no-go areas. People were at the mercy of the
dealers and the crime that came with them. So there was huge initial
support for the anti-drugs movement.
Unlike the community-led activists, these groups were highly organised.
Regular meetings are still held privately by the organisation's committee,
and publicly with members of the community.
These meetings usually end with a march on a suspected drug dealer's home.
The group stops outside the house and the leader calls out the person's
name over a loudspeaker, announces their "crimes" and tells them to leave
the area.
This is not illegal in itself, but recently the groups have been getting
the wrong person or the wrong house. Individuals have asked public
representatives to find out if they're "on the list" and to pass on the
message that they're not involved in drugs or crime.
The public representative has a word with one of the leading anti-drug
activists and is usually told that the person should come before the
committee or the meeting.
Activists patrol communities with walkie talkies. Young people are ``moved
on". There are various levels of intimidation. People suspected of being
involved in drugs have shots fired into their homes or premises. People
engaged in behaviour considered "anti-social" by the group are attacked. On
one occasion, a coffee shop set up by a local woman was wrecked because the
group didn't approve. Paramilitary slogans have appeared on walls.
Some of the areas being policed in this way are Clondalkin, Cabra,
Tallaght, Finglas, Darndale, the south inner city. But public
representatives say it is very difficult to quantify the problem. People,
aware of the power of these secret organisations, are afraid to speak out
in case they become the next target.
Northern-Style Thug Law Is On The Increase
AS the IRA enforces its campaign of murders, beatings, intimidation and
exile in Northern Ireland, there is growing disquiet in Dublin that within
a stone's throw of O'Connell Street civil law has broken down and
quasi-terrorists are enforcing their own brand of thug law.
When it happens in Northern Ireland, as witnessed last week by the exile of
five men from Dungannon for anti-social behaviour, it makes world
headlines. It becomes an issue for the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern and the
Northern Secretary Mo Mowlan. It almost brings the "peace process" to
breaking point.
But in some estates in Dublin's most deprived areas many of the same brutal
tactics are employed and the situation has been met with silence. But now
some local representatives believe they must speak out.
"There is an armed unit in Tallaght that visits people and forces them out,
but most people won't talk about it, for fear they'll get their heads blown
off," says Labour councillor Eamonn Walsh.
Other councillors admit that there are huge problems with lawlessness in
many council estates and people welcome assistance from any quarter when
they are under siege from drugs and crime. "People are concerned when the
normal forces of law and order don't seem to be protecting them
effectively," says Labour TD Joe Costelloe. "In the circumstances, they'll
tolerate strong action against drug pushers once it's accurately targeted."
An internal garda memo gives an idea of what is going on: "The groups work
to a careful agenda; promoting and enhancing their image within
communities. These groups are totally controlled by Sinn Fein." In a
democratic society where police and politics are intended to be separate
entities, garda analysis of Sinn Fein's operational policies makes sinister
reading.
Kneecappings, punishment beatings, enforced exile to Britain in the absence
of public apologies from drug dealers all of these actions have been
carried out by individuals who garda believe to be politically aligned to
Sinn Fein.
West Dublin politicians were so concerned about Sinn Fein's "successes" in
dealing with anti-social behaviour in the run-up to the local elections
that they voiced their concerns to garda.
Both garda and political sources also point out that some anti-drugs
activists are alleged to have involvement in very serious crimes, from the
murder of addict Josie Dwyer in 1996, to 10 recorded gunshot "warning"
attacks in Dublin since 1997.
The fact that the garda assessment states that the anti-drugs groups are
"totally controlled by Sinn Fein" should be a cause for considerable
concern amongst Sinn Fein strategists, and indeed it has not gone
un-noticed by observers that the activities of anti-drugs groups subsided
somewhat after the local elections.
But still, public representatives in various parts of the city believe that
armed units are operating in their areas. Groups of men, sometimes wearing
balaclavas, have been seen moving through estates, either on foot or in
vans, and targetting alleged drug dealers and troublemakers. Baseball bats
have sometimes been used in the brutal beatings that follow.
Ordinary people, who first joined a community anti-drugs movement several
years ago, now find themselves under the control of a political movement.
They are forced to contribute money towards the group's costs and forced to
take part in marches and other public demonstrations. Vulnerable members of
the community, such as single mothers and elderly people, cannot refuse to
give financial or other support. They are told they must attend meetings or
other public demonstrations organised by the group or else the group cannot
guarantee their continued safety.
Shots have been fired at homes and premises, bullets put through
letterboxes and people ordered to leave communities or suffer the
consequences. Suspected dealers or petty criminals have been asked to
attend private committee mettings or public meetings "to come before the
people, answer to them and let them judge you".
On at least one occasion, one such young man was dragged into a van outside
the venue. He was viciously beaten and then sent into the meeting. To loud
cheers from the crowd, he apologised and then promised to give up drugs.
The policing is driven by anti-drugs groups, which operate in almost every
troubled council housing estate in Dublin. They are very well organised,
vocal and active within communities. There are regular fundraising efforts
and marches on homes of suspected drug dealers. They also campaigned for
the Sinn Fein candidates in the recent local elections.
Other politicians from mainstream parties say Sinn FE9in did what no other
party had managed before mobilised votes in disadvantaged communities. They
did this through the anti-drugs movement. By the mid-1990s, Dublin city
suddenly had a series of no-go areas. People were at the mercy of the
dealers and the crime that came with them. So there was huge initial
support for the anti-drugs movement.
Unlike the community-led activists, these groups were highly organised.
Regular meetings are still held privately by the organisation's committee,
and publicly with members of the community.
These meetings usually end with a march on a suspected drug dealer's home.
The group stops outside the house and the leader calls out the person's
name over a loudspeaker, announces their "crimes" and tells them to leave
the area.
This is not illegal in itself, but recently the groups have been getting
the wrong person or the wrong house. Individuals have asked public
representatives to find out if they're "on the list" and to pass on the
message that they're not involved in drugs or crime.
The public representative has a word with one of the leading anti-drug
activists and is usually told that the person should come before the
committee or the meeting.
Activists patrol communities with walkie talkies. Young people are ``moved
on". There are various levels of intimidation. People suspected of being
involved in drugs have shots fired into their homes or premises. People
engaged in behaviour considered "anti-social" by the group are attacked. On
one occasion, a coffee shop set up by a local woman was wrecked because the
group didn't approve. Paramilitary slogans have appeared on walls.
Some of the areas being policed in this way are Clondalkin, Cabra,
Tallaght, Finglas, Darndale, the south inner city. But public
representatives say it is very difficult to quantify the problem. People,
aware of the power of these secret organisations, are afraid to speak out
in case they become the next target.
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