News (Media Awareness Project) - US CA: Our Drug Policies Are Broken |
Title: | US CA: Our Drug Policies Are Broken |
Published On: | 1999-12-16 |
Source: | Orange County Register (CA) |
Fetched On: | 2008-09-05 08:36:29 |
OUR DRUG POLICIES ARE BROKEN
The line between courage and stupidity can be a fine one. Tom Campbell is
walking that line,hoping his U.S. Senate candidacy won't fall victim to his
candor.
Last week in newspaper interviews, the Republican congressman from
California proposed an experiment: fighting street crime by giving addicts
the drugs they crave in a government clinic.
Our current policy isn't working, he says. If it's broken, why not try to
fix it?
Campbell, a Stanford law professor with a Ph. D. in economics, is not a
stupid man. And this is by no means a stupid idea: A three-year Swiss
heroin experiment cut crime and street sales without raising addiction
rates.
But the conventional wisdom says that politicians can't talk about drugs
unless they foam at the mouth. It's supposed to be political suicide to say
that our drug policies are broken, if the fix doesn't involve throwing more
people in jail.
Is that really true? We'll see as the Senate race continues.
Campbell is running in the Republican primary against three Southern
California conservatives, all of them eager to portray him as a Northern
California hippie weirdo. He's the front-runner in the primary, or was. If
he wins, he'll have to beat Democratic Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who also
jumped at the chance to suggest Campbell is some kind of nut.
What's nutty is the American refusal to learn from our mistakes, or from
successes elsewhere.
In 1994, the Swiss government began giving heroin to hard-core addicts at
government-run clinics. More than 800 addicts inject heroin up to three
times a day in a nurse's presence. While in the clinic, they're offered
support services to get their lives together.
These were long-term addicts who'd failed at least two treatment programs,
among the most troubled heroin addicts with the most chaotic lives, wrote
Robert J. MacCoun, a Berkeley public policy and law professor, and Peter
Reuter, a University of Maryland criminology professor, in the Sept. 20
Nation magazine.
After three years, there was no leakage of heroin into the illicit market,
the Swiss said. Some 69 percent of addicts remained in the program. Half of
those who left switched to methadone maintenance or to abstinence
therapies.
The addicts illicit drug buys went way down; they didn't need to steal for
drug money, either. Their crime rate fell by 60 percent. As their lives
stabilized, their health improved and those who were homeless found
permanent housing. Some of the jobless found work; the addicts unemployment
rate declined from 44 percent to 20 percent.
The Swiss are now expanding the program to reach more heroin addicts.
Impressed by the Swiss success, the Dutch have started a pilot program.
Germany may follow suit.
Government-appointed health panels in Canada and Australia have recommended
heroin maintenance experiments in those countries as well.
Problems didn't emerge until the 1960s, when a few doctors began
prescribing irresponsibly. Restrictions passed in 1967 have made it very
difficult for addicts to get heroin from their doctors. So they buy it on
the streets. As access to legal heroin went down, heroin addiction went up.
U.S. studies of methadone also show that giving drugs to addicts, even if
they never kick the habit, lessens the harm done by drug abuse. Under
methadone treatment, addicts cut their use of illicit drugs. They work more
and steal less.
Campbell says he has been thinking for years of introducing a bill to fund
a pilot programs, but hasn't found a California city or county willing to
give it a try. Politics gets in the way.
Maybe it wouldn't work here. Maybe it would work for heroin, but not for
cocaine, amphetamines or other dangerous drugs. But surely it's worth a
try.
There are many people in government (and in law enforcement) who are deeply
frustrated by the drug war failure, and willing to talk off the record
about alternatives.
But few politicians think they can speak honestly about drugs without
becoming ex-politicians. Campbell's campaign may illustrate that their
nervousness is unjustified.
Campbell ran radio spots in April explaining his positions on is sues,
including drug abuse and crime. Nobody paid attention.
Now they're paying attention. His political rivals are howling in
indignation. But where's the public outcry? Tom Campbell's still on the
high wire, looking pretty good.
The line between courage and stupidity can be a fine one. Tom Campbell is
walking that line,hoping his U.S. Senate candidacy won't fall victim to his
candor.
Last week in newspaper interviews, the Republican congressman from
California proposed an experiment: fighting street crime by giving addicts
the drugs they crave in a government clinic.
Our current policy isn't working, he says. If it's broken, why not try to
fix it?
Campbell, a Stanford law professor with a Ph. D. in economics, is not a
stupid man. And this is by no means a stupid idea: A three-year Swiss
heroin experiment cut crime and street sales without raising addiction
rates.
But the conventional wisdom says that politicians can't talk about drugs
unless they foam at the mouth. It's supposed to be political suicide to say
that our drug policies are broken, if the fix doesn't involve throwing more
people in jail.
Is that really true? We'll see as the Senate race continues.
Campbell is running in the Republican primary against three Southern
California conservatives, all of them eager to portray him as a Northern
California hippie weirdo. He's the front-runner in the primary, or was. If
he wins, he'll have to beat Democratic Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who also
jumped at the chance to suggest Campbell is some kind of nut.
What's nutty is the American refusal to learn from our mistakes, or from
successes elsewhere.
In 1994, the Swiss government began giving heroin to hard-core addicts at
government-run clinics. More than 800 addicts inject heroin up to three
times a day in a nurse's presence. While in the clinic, they're offered
support services to get their lives together.
These were long-term addicts who'd failed at least two treatment programs,
among the most troubled heroin addicts with the most chaotic lives, wrote
Robert J. MacCoun, a Berkeley public policy and law professor, and Peter
Reuter, a University of Maryland criminology professor, in the Sept. 20
Nation magazine.
After three years, there was no leakage of heroin into the illicit market,
the Swiss said. Some 69 percent of addicts remained in the program. Half of
those who left switched to methadone maintenance or to abstinence
therapies.
The addicts illicit drug buys went way down; they didn't need to steal for
drug money, either. Their crime rate fell by 60 percent. As their lives
stabilized, their health improved and those who were homeless found
permanent housing. Some of the jobless found work; the addicts unemployment
rate declined from 44 percent to 20 percent.
The Swiss are now expanding the program to reach more heroin addicts.
Impressed by the Swiss success, the Dutch have started a pilot program.
Germany may follow suit.
Government-appointed health panels in Canada and Australia have recommended
heroin maintenance experiments in those countries as well.
Problems didn't emerge until the 1960s, when a few doctors began
prescribing irresponsibly. Restrictions passed in 1967 have made it very
difficult for addicts to get heroin from their doctors. So they buy it on
the streets. As access to legal heroin went down, heroin addiction went up.
U.S. studies of methadone also show that giving drugs to addicts, even if
they never kick the habit, lessens the harm done by drug abuse. Under
methadone treatment, addicts cut their use of illicit drugs. They work more
and steal less.
Campbell says he has been thinking for years of introducing a bill to fund
a pilot programs, but hasn't found a California city or county willing to
give it a try. Politics gets in the way.
Maybe it wouldn't work here. Maybe it would work for heroin, but not for
cocaine, amphetamines or other dangerous drugs. But surely it's worth a
try.
There are many people in government (and in law enforcement) who are deeply
frustrated by the drug war failure, and willing to talk off the record
about alternatives.
But few politicians think they can speak honestly about drugs without
becoming ex-politicians. Campbell's campaign may illustrate that their
nervousness is unjustified.
Campbell ran radio spots in April explaining his positions on is sues,
including drug abuse and crime. Nobody paid attention.
Now they're paying attention. His political rivals are howling in
indignation. But where's the public outcry? Tom Campbell's still on the
high wire, looking pretty good.
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