News (Media Awareness Project) - US: OPED: Racist Roots |
Title: | US: OPED: Racist Roots |
Published On: | 2000-10-02 |
Source: | Chicago Tribune (IL) |
Fetched On: | 2008-09-03 06:58:28 |
RACIST ROOTS
30 To 40 Percent Of The Next Generation Of Black Men Can Expect To Lose
Their Right To Vote At Some Point In Their Lifetimes
The black vote is such a precious political commodity these days that
even a notorious xenophobe like Pat Buchanan felt the need to make a
symbolic gesture to the black electorate by picking Ezola Foster, a
black woman, for a running mate. As a member of the John Birch
Society's Speakers Bureau, however, Foster's value as a black symbol
is limited. Still, Buchanan's "outreach" illustrates the growing
currency of the black vote.
But just as African-Americans are becoming more adept at wielding that
currency, their voting power is being corroded by antiquated state
laws that bar former inmates from voting. In the November elections,
13 percent of all adult black men will be ineligible to vote because
of such laws. If current trends continue, experts predict that 30 to
40 percent of the next generation of black men can expect to lose
their right to vote at some point in their lifetimes.
Attempting to disrupt those trends, a coalition of civil-rights groups
two weeks ago filed a lawsuit challenging a Florida law that
permanently strips ex-felons of the right to vote. Florida was
targeted because it has the largest number of disenfranchised
ex-felons in the country and because, the suit charges, the 1868 law
was enacted specifically to deny blacks the right to vote. The suit
argues that the Florida law has a racially discriminatory effect and
thus is unconstitutional.
The ultimate aim of the action is to challenge all state laws that
disenfranchise ex-felons. Similar action is being mounted in Congress,
where Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.) last year introduced the Civic
Participation and Rehabilitation Act, which would restore the right to
vote in federal elections to individuals who have been released from
prison. These are two of the most prominent efforts to challenge
antiquated state statutes that restrict democracy.
Although disenfranchisement laws have been on the books since the
founding of the Republic, all previously excluded groups, except
convicted felons, now have the right to vote. Laws barring the vote to
felons took on an added significance after the Civil War and
(especially in the southern states) specifically targeted the
descendents of enslaved Africans. In fact, the criminal-justice system
became an effective tool to undermine the abolishment of slavery and
enforce traditional racial hierarchy.
The 13th Amendment officially abolished slavery in America, except for
convicted felons. To frustrate the liberating aims of the amendment,
citizens of the defeated Confederate states were able to re-enslave
many blacks by crafting laws that criminalized their behavior. When
the 15th Amendment extended the voting franchise to former slaves,
Southern states hastily enacted laws forbidding ex-felons (many of
whom were newly criminalized blacks) from voting. Currently, 46 states
and the District of Columbia have laws that deprive inmates of the
right to vote (the four states that permit inmate voting are Maine,
Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Vermont). Thirty-six states further
deny the vote to people on probation and/or parole and in 14 states a
felon can be barred from voting for life. The skyrocketing growth of a
racially disparate inmate population, triggered by the so-called war
on drugs, has worsened the discriminatory effects of these electoral
prohibitions. Several recent studies have documented the biased
treatment of African-Americans at every level of the criminal-justice
system.
According to a 1998 report by Human Rights Watch and the Sentencing
Project, 2 percent of all Americans, or 3.9 million, have lost the
right to vote because of felony convictions. African-Americans
represent 36 percent of that total, reflecting a rate of
disenfranchisement that is seven times the national average. In the
states of Florida and Alabama, one in three black men is permanently
disenfranchised and in seven other states that ratio is near 25
percent. In states that permanently bar the vote to convicted felons,
the study noted, as many as 40 percent of black men may permanently be
disenfranchised.
Disenfranchisement laws are so destructive of democratic values they
can hardly be justified except as part of an exclusivist tradition.
And, again the U.S. is out of step with other democracies, most of
which have concluded that laws stripping the vote from former inmates
defeat the very purposes of incarceration: rehabilitation and public
safety. The 1998 study noted that no other democracy besides the
United States disenfranchised former inmates for life. Many countries
even allow prisoners to vote.
We may celebrate American democracy in our political rhetoric but our
policies are stuck in a racist rut.
30 To 40 Percent Of The Next Generation Of Black Men Can Expect To Lose
Their Right To Vote At Some Point In Their Lifetimes
The black vote is such a precious political commodity these days that
even a notorious xenophobe like Pat Buchanan felt the need to make a
symbolic gesture to the black electorate by picking Ezola Foster, a
black woman, for a running mate. As a member of the John Birch
Society's Speakers Bureau, however, Foster's value as a black symbol
is limited. Still, Buchanan's "outreach" illustrates the growing
currency of the black vote.
But just as African-Americans are becoming more adept at wielding that
currency, their voting power is being corroded by antiquated state
laws that bar former inmates from voting. In the November elections,
13 percent of all adult black men will be ineligible to vote because
of such laws. If current trends continue, experts predict that 30 to
40 percent of the next generation of black men can expect to lose
their right to vote at some point in their lifetimes.
Attempting to disrupt those trends, a coalition of civil-rights groups
two weeks ago filed a lawsuit challenging a Florida law that
permanently strips ex-felons of the right to vote. Florida was
targeted because it has the largest number of disenfranchised
ex-felons in the country and because, the suit charges, the 1868 law
was enacted specifically to deny blacks the right to vote. The suit
argues that the Florida law has a racially discriminatory effect and
thus is unconstitutional.
The ultimate aim of the action is to challenge all state laws that
disenfranchise ex-felons. Similar action is being mounted in Congress,
where Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.) last year introduced the Civic
Participation and Rehabilitation Act, which would restore the right to
vote in federal elections to individuals who have been released from
prison. These are two of the most prominent efforts to challenge
antiquated state statutes that restrict democracy.
Although disenfranchisement laws have been on the books since the
founding of the Republic, all previously excluded groups, except
convicted felons, now have the right to vote. Laws barring the vote to
felons took on an added significance after the Civil War and
(especially in the southern states) specifically targeted the
descendents of enslaved Africans. In fact, the criminal-justice system
became an effective tool to undermine the abolishment of slavery and
enforce traditional racial hierarchy.
The 13th Amendment officially abolished slavery in America, except for
convicted felons. To frustrate the liberating aims of the amendment,
citizens of the defeated Confederate states were able to re-enslave
many blacks by crafting laws that criminalized their behavior. When
the 15th Amendment extended the voting franchise to former slaves,
Southern states hastily enacted laws forbidding ex-felons (many of
whom were newly criminalized blacks) from voting. Currently, 46 states
and the District of Columbia have laws that deprive inmates of the
right to vote (the four states that permit inmate voting are Maine,
Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Vermont). Thirty-six states further
deny the vote to people on probation and/or parole and in 14 states a
felon can be barred from voting for life. The skyrocketing growth of a
racially disparate inmate population, triggered by the so-called war
on drugs, has worsened the discriminatory effects of these electoral
prohibitions. Several recent studies have documented the biased
treatment of African-Americans at every level of the criminal-justice
system.
According to a 1998 report by Human Rights Watch and the Sentencing
Project, 2 percent of all Americans, or 3.9 million, have lost the
right to vote because of felony convictions. African-Americans
represent 36 percent of that total, reflecting a rate of
disenfranchisement that is seven times the national average. In the
states of Florida and Alabama, one in three black men is permanently
disenfranchised and in seven other states that ratio is near 25
percent. In states that permanently bar the vote to convicted felons,
the study noted, as many as 40 percent of black men may permanently be
disenfranchised.
Disenfranchisement laws are so destructive of democratic values they
can hardly be justified except as part of an exclusivist tradition.
And, again the U.S. is out of step with other democracies, most of
which have concluded that laws stripping the vote from former inmates
defeat the very purposes of incarceration: rehabilitation and public
safety. The 1998 study noted that no other democracy besides the
United States disenfranchised former inmates for life. Many countries
even allow prisoners to vote.
We may celebrate American democracy in our political rhetoric but our
policies are stuck in a racist rut.
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