CENTRAL ASIA'S DRUG CRISIS

Fabled Silk Road Now Paved With Narcotics

OSH, KYRGYZSTAN - It may be one of the most remote places on earth, but
that is exactly why porous border areas of Central Asia - and especially
Kyrgyzstan - have turned the ancient Silk Road into a highway for narcotics
traffic from Afghanistan.

Torn by religious unrest, and ruled by fragile post-Soviet regimes,
Kyrgyzstan, a crucible of regional problems, is proving to be fertile
ground for drug traffickers trying to get record opium harvests and heroin
from Afghanistan to markets in Russia and Europe.

Analysts differ on the reasons behind this resurgence: Some accuse Islamic
guerrillas of financing their conflict with drugs; others say corrupt local
officials help pave the way.

But already, the cost is becoming clear.

Kyrgyz officials in late December seized 1,828 pounds of opium and 5.5
pounds of heroin, their largest single narcotics haul ever - one of a
string of big-ticket finds region wide. Russian officials late December
announced that drug trafficking has become the most profitable criminal
business in Russia, and that the unofficial number of addicts now tops 3
million.

New cases of HIV, the virus that can lead to AIDS, have also surged in
Russia, in some places by almost 10,000 percent, officials report. Nearly
all are among intravenous heroin users - a practice that is rising sharply
across Central Asia.

"This is a huge drugs trade," says Terence Taylor, assistant director of
the Institute for International Strategic Studies in London. "In terms of
dollar value, it has now surpassed the Golden Triangle [of Southeast Asia]."

United Nations experts estimate that more than 70 percent of the world's
production of opium - the raw material for easy-to-make, addictive heroin -
comes from Afghanistan.

While drug traffic to the West through Iran and Turkey still exists, tough
enforcement there - often leading in Iran to lethal skirmishes against
sophisticated, heavily-armed drug convoys - means that traffickers are
favoring routes further north.

"A security belt is being created around Afghanistan to stop drugs," says
Yuri Misnikov, deputy head of the UN Development Program in the Kyrgyz
capital, Bishkek. "Kyrgyzstan is seen as the weakest, most vulnerable link
in the Central Asia chain."

Most of the drug traffic reaches Kyrgyzstan through its southern neighbor,
Tajikistan, which fought its own civil war for much of the 1990s and has a
fragile coalition government.

One-third of the Tajik gross domestic product is estimated to be
drug-related. Tajik diplomats have been caught with large amounts of
narcotics in Kazakhstan; so, before, have Russian soldiers, 10,000 of whom
guard the Tajik border with Afghanistan.

Crossing remote mountain passes into Kyrgyzstan, guerrillas of the Islamic
Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) - whose stated aim is to establish an Islamic
state in Uzbekistan - invaded in August.

"There are religious and political factors, but there is agreement in the
UN that drugs were behind those incursions," says Mr. Misnikov. "For us it
is clear that unless legitimate sources of income are created, it will not
change. Billions of dollars are behind it. People are poor."

That view is echoed by Bolot Djanuzakov, head of the Kyrgyz National
Security Council, who says that Islam is "only a veil" and that the IMU's
"main aim is distribution of drugs."

IMU guerrillas have been trained in Afghanistan by the radical Taliban
militia, which controls 95 percent of the country - and reaps taxes on the
opium crop. The IMU provides the Taliban a path to market, Mr. Djanuzakov
contends.

"These guerrillas control the export of opium in Central Asia, because it
is the easiest way to get it to the rest of the world," he says. Kyrgyz
authorities - some trained by the UN - confiscated 10 times as much illicit
drugs in the first nine months of 2000, he says, as in all of 1999.

"This is evidence of increased traffic, and why the goal of our government
is to strengthen our Army and our borders."

Few doubt the dangers. Profiteers prefer weak states, which "means that the
drug trade is at the center of a contest over the very essence of political
order in at least Tajikistan and parts of Kyrgyzstan," noted a report by
the Brussels-based International Crisis Group last year.

But many argue that, despite some success against traffickers, Kyrgyz
authorities themselves are involved, and that claims of an IMU role are a
smokescreen.

"This idea is created by the security services of Uzbekistan and
Kyrgyzstan, so that people concentrate on drugs and not Islam," says
Alisher Khamidov, director of the Media Resource Center in Osh, a hub for
illicit traffic. At the same time, he adds, "the authorities say they
control drugs, but they are the ones with the monopoly [on drug running].
How can they expect ordinary citizens to stop, when government officials
are involved?"

"There are always excuses, like the Islamic threat or drug trafficking,"
says Victor Zapolsky, chief editor of "Delo No..." newspaper. "But
officials that are supposed to be fighting drugs are [the ones] trading drugs."

Still, some sources say that drugs are a means to an end for the guerrillas
- - if not the aim itself. The London-based Jane's Intelligence Review says
the IMU is "primarily concerned with financial gain" and has "successfully
used terrorism" to "secure" drug conduits.

Impassable routes in winter mean that "traffickers are forced to increase
shipments in the summer," and that last year the IMU stored 1,500 tons of
narcotics, according to the review. The August attacks, JIR says, were
designed to "distract security organs while large shipments are sent
through the region undetected."

"There is a direct link," says Alexei Sukhov, correspondent of the
opposition Kyrgyz newspaper Res Publica. "The days when the IMU attacked,
they wanted to transport a huge amount of drugs. They attacked one area,
the drugs went into another."

Mohamadjan Hamidov, south Kyrgyzstan correspondent for the Vechernyi
Bishkek newspaper, says that enforcement alone is not the answer. "Drugs
are inside community life," and the trafficking "makes some contributions
to developing countries. You will never solve this problem by force. We
must end unemployment and raise the standard of living."