News (Media Awareness Project) - US CA: OPED: The Wrong Kind of Prison Reform |
Title: | US CA: OPED: The Wrong Kind of Prison Reform |
Published On: | 2006-11-11 |
Source: | Los Angeles Times (CA) |
Fetched On: | 2008-01-12 22:25:20 |
THE WRONG KIND OF PRISON REFORM
Schwarzenegger's Plan to Ship Some Prisoners to Out-Of-State
Facilities Should Be Struck Down, and Real Reform Should Take Its Course.
CALIFORNIA'S PRISONS are bursting at the seams, but Gov. Arnold
Schwarzenegger's latest strategy for easing the pressure has hit a
snag. The nonpartisan Legislative Counsel, which provides legal
advice to state lawmakers, has issued an opinion (concluding that the
governor's plan to ship thousands of prisoners to private prisons out
of state violates California's Constitution. This opinion buoyed the
anti-privatization California Correctional Peace Officers Assn. (the
state prison guards union), which has gone to court to try to stop
the transfers.
Let's hope the court sides with the union. Outsourcing the care of
state prisoners to private, for-profit contractors, especially those
located out of state, is a bad idea. Not only will the move do little
to fix what is wrong with California's prisons, it will create a
whole new set of problems that will outlast any short-term benefit.
The most obvious problem is age-old: Who will watch the watchers? The
contracts require contractors to comply with all California laws
governing the treatment of prisoners, plus a host of other terms
designed to ensure safe and secure facilities. But a signed contract
is no guarantee of performance. Prison contractors make their money
by spending less to run their prisons than the contract price. If
they think no one is watching, they may well cut corners.
The usual answer to this problem is oversight. But meaningful
oversight would require a team of full-time, on-site monitors with
open access to all parts of the prison and a mandate to hold
contractors accountable for violations. And at this point, it appears
that all monitoring of these contracts is to be done long distance
from Sacramento, making it anybody's guess as to how the state will
ensure contractual compliance -- and, more important, inmate safety.
There is another reason to be concerned about the potential for
abuses in private prisons. The biggest item on any prison's balance
sheet is labor costs, and it's no surprise that private prisons
routinely underinvest in this area. But a qualified and well-trained
staff is the sine qua non of a safe prison. Guarding inmates requires
constant interaction in a tense atmosphere with people who are bored,
frustrated, resentful and possibly dangerous. Guards who are
overworked and undertrained, or who work in prisons that are
understaffed, are at a disadvantage in such an environment -- and
would thus be less effective at maintaining safe prison conditions.
As my research has suggested, underinvestment in labor is likely the
reason that, when you compare populations at the same security level,
private prisons tend to be more violent even than public prisons.
Schwarzenegger makes a good case that the system has reached a
breaking point. Every one of the state's 33 prisons is operating at
or above its maximum operational capacity, and more than 15,000
prisoners are sleeping on floors in gyms, chapels, dayrooms and
anywhere else prison officials can find space for a mattress. But
shipping thousands of prisoners to private prisons in Indiana,
Tennessee and elsewhere is not the answer. It may ease the pressure
temporarily, but the space freed up by the transfers will soon fill up again.
What we need is not more prison beds but meaningful sentencing
reform. Our prisons are so crowded for one reason: We have too many
people behind bars -- more than 170,000 inmates. Many of these
inmates are violent, but many more are not. The only way to resolve
this penal crisis is to take a hard look at who is in prison and why,
and ask ourselves whether everyone behind bars really needs to be there.
We could start by finding a more appropriate way to deal with those
prisoners who are more mentally ill than criminal, who were
re-incarcerated for technical parole violations that pose no public
safety threat, whose offense is mere drug possession, or who are
serving 25-year mandatory minimum sentences for non-serious,
nonviolent third strikes. With even moderate success at these
efforts, we wouldn't need to ship any inmates out of state. We'd have
cells enough right here at home.
Schwarzenegger's Plan to Ship Some Prisoners to Out-Of-State
Facilities Should Be Struck Down, and Real Reform Should Take Its Course.
CALIFORNIA'S PRISONS are bursting at the seams, but Gov. Arnold
Schwarzenegger's latest strategy for easing the pressure has hit a
snag. The nonpartisan Legislative Counsel, which provides legal
advice to state lawmakers, has issued an opinion (concluding that the
governor's plan to ship thousands of prisoners to private prisons out
of state violates California's Constitution. This opinion buoyed the
anti-privatization California Correctional Peace Officers Assn. (the
state prison guards union), which has gone to court to try to stop
the transfers.
Let's hope the court sides with the union. Outsourcing the care of
state prisoners to private, for-profit contractors, especially those
located out of state, is a bad idea. Not only will the move do little
to fix what is wrong with California's prisons, it will create a
whole new set of problems that will outlast any short-term benefit.
The most obvious problem is age-old: Who will watch the watchers? The
contracts require contractors to comply with all California laws
governing the treatment of prisoners, plus a host of other terms
designed to ensure safe and secure facilities. But a signed contract
is no guarantee of performance. Prison contractors make their money
by spending less to run their prisons than the contract price. If
they think no one is watching, they may well cut corners.
The usual answer to this problem is oversight. But meaningful
oversight would require a team of full-time, on-site monitors with
open access to all parts of the prison and a mandate to hold
contractors accountable for violations. And at this point, it appears
that all monitoring of these contracts is to be done long distance
from Sacramento, making it anybody's guess as to how the state will
ensure contractual compliance -- and, more important, inmate safety.
There is another reason to be concerned about the potential for
abuses in private prisons. The biggest item on any prison's balance
sheet is labor costs, and it's no surprise that private prisons
routinely underinvest in this area. But a qualified and well-trained
staff is the sine qua non of a safe prison. Guarding inmates requires
constant interaction in a tense atmosphere with people who are bored,
frustrated, resentful and possibly dangerous. Guards who are
overworked and undertrained, or who work in prisons that are
understaffed, are at a disadvantage in such an environment -- and
would thus be less effective at maintaining safe prison conditions.
As my research has suggested, underinvestment in labor is likely the
reason that, when you compare populations at the same security level,
private prisons tend to be more violent even than public prisons.
Schwarzenegger makes a good case that the system has reached a
breaking point. Every one of the state's 33 prisons is operating at
or above its maximum operational capacity, and more than 15,000
prisoners are sleeping on floors in gyms, chapels, dayrooms and
anywhere else prison officials can find space for a mattress. But
shipping thousands of prisoners to private prisons in Indiana,
Tennessee and elsewhere is not the answer. It may ease the pressure
temporarily, but the space freed up by the transfers will soon fill up again.
What we need is not more prison beds but meaningful sentencing
reform. Our prisons are so crowded for one reason: We have too many
people behind bars -- more than 170,000 inmates. Many of these
inmates are violent, but many more are not. The only way to resolve
this penal crisis is to take a hard look at who is in prison and why,
and ask ourselves whether everyone behind bars really needs to be there.
We could start by finding a more appropriate way to deal with those
prisoners who are more mentally ill than criminal, who were
re-incarcerated for technical parole violations that pose no public
safety threat, whose offense is mere drug possession, or who are
serving 25-year mandatory minimum sentences for non-serious,
nonviolent third strikes. With even moderate success at these
efforts, we wouldn't need to ship any inmates out of state. We'd have
cells enough right here at home.
Member Comments |
No member comments available...