U.S. INVASION OF COLOMBIA URGED

But Observers Say Nation Ought To Focus On Its Own War Effort

BOGOTA, Colombia -- Although the Bush administration insists that it
will not send U.S. combat troops to this war-ravaged land, many
Colombians seem gung-ho about the idea.

Fed up with their own army's failure to crush a 38-year Marxist
insurgency while watching U.S. troops deploy to Afghanistan, the
Philippines and elsewhere following the Sept. 11 attacks, a growing
number hope their country will be next on the list, with Marines
landing on their beaches and U.S. war jets pounding rebel positions.

"I would love it if the Americans would wipe out the scoundrels,"
said Luz Marina Velez, who runs a dry goods store in Bogota.

In a poll released last week by RCN television of Bogota, 76 percent
said they would support a U.S. invasion, while 83 percent favored the
deployment of American antiterrorist forces to South America.

Not everyone would put out the welcome mat.

Colombian presidential candidate Horacio Serpa points out that in a
nation with two guerrilla groups, right-wing paramilitary groups and
a national army, adding foreign troops would be like "sending
firewood to the forest."

But to a considerable degree, the "Yankees" are already here.

To prop up the government and help fight drug trafficking, Washington
has sent $1.7 billion in aid to Colombia in the past two years.
What's more, 400 U.S. military advisers and civilian contractors have
been dispatched to Colombia, though they are not allowed to take part
in military operations.

Hardly a week goes by without U.S. legislators, State Department
officials or Army generals slogging into the jungle to inspect
Colombian military outposts.

After the collapse of peace talks last month between the Colombian
government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, the
nation's largest rebel group known as FARC, the Bush administration
decided to up the ante.

On Thursday, the White House formally asked Congress to lift
long-standing restrictions that prevented U.S. counter-narcotics
assistance from being used in counterinsurgency missions. It also
requested an additional $35 million to help Colombia combat guerrilla
kidnappings, protect an oil pipeline and to help the police take
control of rebel-held areas.

The move sparked cries of "mission creep" from congressional
opponents who fear that the United States will be sucked into a
Colombian quagmire. Still, the Bush administration draws the line at
sending combat troops.

The Bogota government "is not asking for U.S. troops nor do I see
U.S. troops going to Colombia," Secretary of State Colin Powell said
at a congressional hearing.

With three Andean mountain ranges, dense Amazon jungle and two large
guerrilla armies that have been fighting since the 1960s, Colombia is
widely viewed as an extremely risky hot spot for U.S. troops, even
though the rebels and the paramilitaries are considered by the State
Department to be terrorist groups and fair game.

Russell Crandall, who has written a book on U.S.-Colombian relations,
claims that sending in U.S. troops would be a last resort if, for
example, the FARC appeared on the verge of overthrowing the
government.

Colombian President Andres Pastrana has frequently said he would not
accept U.S. combat troops. Others point out GIs could play into the
guerrillas' hands by sparking a nationalist uprising against the
government.

But legions of Colombians contend that U.S. support for the military,
which includes dozens of high-tech helicopters and military trainers,
will never be enough.

Despite recent improvements, the Colombian army lacks the manpower,
aircraft and equipment to roll back rebel gains or to defeat the
guerrillas, analysts say.

"Look at how long we have been at the war," said construction worker
Luis Jaramillo. "If our military was any good, they would have
finished the job by now."

The Colombians' willingness to call for U.S. intervention is partly
because of long-standing ties between the two nations, said Crandall,
who teaches political science at Davidson College in North Carolina.

In 1903, Washington helped engineer a revolution that allowed Panama
to gain independence from Colombia, a move that paved the way for the
building of the Panama Canal.

But otherwise, Colombia has not suffered the bitter legacy of U.S.
military intervention in the last century that generated
anti-American sentiments in Mexico, Central America and parts of the
Caribbean.

During the Cold War, the Colombian government proved its solidarity
by sending troops to fight in the Korean conflict and by distancing
itself from Cuba leader Fidel Castro's regime.

Although U.S.-Colombian ties were strained during the administration
of President Ernesto Samper, who was accused of having links to drug
traffickers, they improved under Pastrana, and the nation is the
third-leading recipient of U.S. foreign aid.

While none of Colombia's candidates for the May 26 presidential
election is calling for U.S. combat troops, front-runner Alvaro Uribe
has suggested that United Nations peacekeepers could be involved
through joint operations with the Colombian military.

In a televised debate last week, rival candidates said Uribe's
proposal would offend the Colombian army and violate the nation's
sovereignty. But Uribe pointed out that the guerrillas and
paramilitaries already lord over vast expanses of Colombian territory.

"We have already lost our sovereignty to the bandits," Uribe said.
"If international cooperation can help us to recover it, that would
be magnificent."

Still, many observers say that Colombians ought to focus on the
national war effort rather than looking for saviors from the outside.

"If someone else comes in and solves your problems, it means you
won't have to invest as much in the war," said Carlos Eduardo
Jaramillo, a former Colombian official involved in an earlier round
of peace talks with the FARC. "It's an economic solution."

Aside from securing billions in U.S. aid, Pastrana, who leaves office
on Aug. 7, has made other moves to shore up the military. Last week,
he announced a $110 million increase in the defense budget and
extended mandatory military service from 18 to 22 months.

But Pastrana rejected a proposal by his treasury minister that
workers and companies contribute "war taxes" to a special defense
fund.

Another problem with relying on international cooperation is that it
does not guarantee success -- even when it comes to peace talks.

During Colombia's three-year peace process with the FARC,everyone
from U.N. delegates to the head of the New York Stock Exchange
traveled to the rebel-held sanctuary and met with government and
guerrilla negotiators. But the talks broke down regardless.