News (Media Awareness Project) - US AL: Editorial: Prisons - Little Choice |
Title: | US AL: Editorial: Prisons - Little Choice |
Published On: | 2003-12-24 |
Source: | Huntsville Times (AL) |
Fetched On: | 2008-08-23 18:29:02 |
PRISONS: LITTLE CHOICE
Too many inmates, not enough cells; hence, more paroles
For three days this week, The Times examined the state's prison system and
Gov. Bob Riley's plan to relieve crowded conditions by speeding up early
parole for some inmates.
The articles, written by Montgomery Correspondent Anthony McCartney,
examined the situation in detail - the number of prisoners up for parole,
the crimes they were convicted of, the use of alternative sentencing
programs, the structure of the state's criminal laws.
Even so, the problems confronting the state's law enforcement and judicial
systems boil down to two elements: Alabama has 28,000 people in a prison
system built for 12,000. The state has been adding 1,000 inmates a year; to
accommodate those inmates would require a new prison to be built every year,
and that hasn't happened.
The second factor? As the pressure on existing money has increased, the
money itself is in short supply. Although more funds this year have gone to
the Department of Corrections, they are not nearly enough. And at the same
time, the local district attorneys, whose job it is to put people behind
bars, have seen their budgets cut - and more cuts are on the horizon.
One way to deal with the crisis is to move prisoners out of state. But
that's not cheap, and to date it's being used for only 1,700 inmates.
Another solution is to raise taxes to build more prisons. But the public is
not likely to support that.
Diverting existing money is possible, but the state is so strapped that
shoring up one essential service will require gutting another. Alabama, for
example, has too few state troopers on the roads, a fact that contributes to
fewer DUI arrests and more accidents.
Still another approach is to change the laws and develop more alternative
programs. One contributory law is the state's Habitual Offender Act. It
mandates long prison terms for those convicted of repeat crimes, but it
often fails to differentiate between dangerous criminals and the others.
Indeed, according to The Times' series, some 44 percent of Alabama's inmates
are behind bars for drug possession or for property crimes related to drug
addiction. At the Julia Tutwiler Prison for Women in Wetumpka, the cells are
packed with female inmates who were out on probation but were sent back
after failing drug tests.
So the state has created a second parole board. That second board may try to
release as many as 5,000 inmates over the next few months. Men and women
convicted of violent crimes will not be eligible, but prosecutors and
victims' rights advocates worry that those released will soon be back behind
bars.
Worse consequences
Even so, what is the alternative? To complain that the early paroles are
designed to save money may be an accurate observation, but the complaint is
rarely accompanied by a workable alternative.
In addition - and this is vital - unless Alabama relieves crowded conditions
at its prisons, it's not farfetched that the federal courts will do it for
us. And the courts may not be so fastidious about those being released.
What's happening now is designed to give the state time to study and
implement changes in the law and changes in how convicted criminals are
dealt with after they are convicted.
Gov. Riley's plan to speed up paroles carries risks. But at the moment, it's
the best that can be done. Other options will take public support and money,
and neither of those is ready just yet.
Too many inmates, not enough cells; hence, more paroles
For three days this week, The Times examined the state's prison system and
Gov. Bob Riley's plan to relieve crowded conditions by speeding up early
parole for some inmates.
The articles, written by Montgomery Correspondent Anthony McCartney,
examined the situation in detail - the number of prisoners up for parole,
the crimes they were convicted of, the use of alternative sentencing
programs, the structure of the state's criminal laws.
Even so, the problems confronting the state's law enforcement and judicial
systems boil down to two elements: Alabama has 28,000 people in a prison
system built for 12,000. The state has been adding 1,000 inmates a year; to
accommodate those inmates would require a new prison to be built every year,
and that hasn't happened.
The second factor? As the pressure on existing money has increased, the
money itself is in short supply. Although more funds this year have gone to
the Department of Corrections, they are not nearly enough. And at the same
time, the local district attorneys, whose job it is to put people behind
bars, have seen their budgets cut - and more cuts are on the horizon.
One way to deal with the crisis is to move prisoners out of state. But
that's not cheap, and to date it's being used for only 1,700 inmates.
Another solution is to raise taxes to build more prisons. But the public is
not likely to support that.
Diverting existing money is possible, but the state is so strapped that
shoring up one essential service will require gutting another. Alabama, for
example, has too few state troopers on the roads, a fact that contributes to
fewer DUI arrests and more accidents.
Still another approach is to change the laws and develop more alternative
programs. One contributory law is the state's Habitual Offender Act. It
mandates long prison terms for those convicted of repeat crimes, but it
often fails to differentiate between dangerous criminals and the others.
Indeed, according to The Times' series, some 44 percent of Alabama's inmates
are behind bars for drug possession or for property crimes related to drug
addiction. At the Julia Tutwiler Prison for Women in Wetumpka, the cells are
packed with female inmates who were out on probation but were sent back
after failing drug tests.
So the state has created a second parole board. That second board may try to
release as many as 5,000 inmates over the next few months. Men and women
convicted of violent crimes will not be eligible, but prosecutors and
victims' rights advocates worry that those released will soon be back behind
bars.
Worse consequences
Even so, what is the alternative? To complain that the early paroles are
designed to save money may be an accurate observation, but the complaint is
rarely accompanied by a workable alternative.
In addition - and this is vital - unless Alabama relieves crowded conditions
at its prisons, it's not farfetched that the federal courts will do it for
us. And the courts may not be so fastidious about those being released.
What's happening now is designed to give the state time to study and
implement changes in the law and changes in how convicted criminals are
dealt with after they are convicted.
Gov. Riley's plan to speed up paroles carries risks. But at the moment, it's
the best that can be done. Other options will take public support and money,
and neither of those is ready just yet.
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