FIGHT WAR ON DRUGS IN U.S., NOT IN COLOMBIA

President Clinton's objective in helping Colombia fight its war on drugs is
a noble one: to stem the flow of cocaine and heroin to the United States.
After all, Colombian drug traffickers supply 90% of the cocaine that
reaches American soil and nearly all of the heroin. The problem, however,
is that doing so may get the United States caught up in a civil war, and if
the violence spreads -- as it often does -- maybe regional conflict.

Clinton is in the process of sending $1.3 billion in aid for Colombian
President Andres Pastrana's $7.5 billion "Colombia Plan," a program to
eradicate the countryside of coca crops, run traffickers out of Colombia or
into jail and rebuild the criminal justice system. It's a bold plan, but
warning signs were posted all over the map to limit U.S. involvement, and
Clinton and Congress pushed forward in spite of them.

Much of the U.S. aid is defense-related, including 60 attack helicopters
and military training to Colombian troops by U.S. advisers. Military
support of any form could be dangerous for civilians as well as the drug
traffickers in Colombia. Human rights groups have accused the Colombian
army and paramilitary allies of human rights violations, including civilian
massacres. Congress had stipulated that the aid be conditional upon
Pastrana taking action to prosecute military abuse and sever the ties
between the military and paramilitary groups, but Clinton waived the
stipulation.

Then there's Colombia's general instability. The country is dealing with a
20% unemployment rate, low support for Pastrana and little or no economic
growth -- not to mention a 36-year-old civil war. And to make things worse,
the army has conceded nearly a third of the southern portion of the country
to leftist rebels, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the
largest guerrilla group. Clinton can't even be sure that Pastrana will
remain in power in the coming weeks, much less ensure that the money the
United States sends is used effectively.

FARC and other rebels and even the paramilitary groups now work to protect
the drug traffickers' crops in exchange for millions, inextricably linking
the problems of leftist violence to drug trafficking in Colombia. That
means that when Clinton assures us that the United States is not getting
involved in a shooting war, don't be too quick to believe him.

Neighboring Central and South American leaders are concerned that U.S.
military assistance might lead guerrillas and traffickers to push the war
across borders. Some say spillovers already have begun over Panama's
border. Ecuador and Brazil have responded by bolstering defense at their
borders, and relations with Peru and Venezuela have been strained.
Venezuela's President Huga Chevez even warned that Colombia's war could
spark a regional conflict. Also, officials are concerned that last week's
kidnapping of 10 foreigners in Ecuador was a sign of an escalation.

Former supporters of the Colombia Plan also are turning away. Europeans,
once committed to Pastrana's plan, are backing away for fear of getting
entangled in a civil war. They're also not thrilled with the nature of the
U.S. aid package; they say it's too militaristic.

Now Colombian officials are no longer sure they'll be able to come up with
their end of the commitment: $4 billion. And Pastrana has done little to
garner Colombian support for the campaign. If the Colombians themselves
can't help fight their own battles, why should we?

Another reason the United States should have said no to Plan Colombia is
that previous aid has been less than effective. According to a report
released by the General Accounting Office this week: "(U.S.) assistance has
not been used to the extent possible to help counter the illegal drug
activities in Colombia. If these past problems continue, the dramatic
increase in U.S. support for Plan Colombia will not be used in the most
effective way."

From 1996 to 2000, the Clinton administration sent Colombia an estimated
$765 million to assist its war on drugs. But, as the report also notes,
"coca cultivation and cocaine production in Colombia more than doubled"
from 1995 to 1999. You'd think Pastrana would stop asking for our help.

The GAO recommends that the State and Defense departments get their act
together in a few areas before moving forward. But I say keep the money
here at home.

If the Clinton administration can't think of anything better to waste $1.3
billion on, I'm sure I can: We could tackle drug addiction for starters.
Reducing the demand for drugs such as cocaine and heroin here in the United
States could go a long way toward freeing Colombia of its drug lords and
well-funded rebels.